Wijspianski, a fine Polish dramatist, has strikingly sketched the national character in one single scene in his play “Wesele” (The Wedding). The people are dancing their Polonaise and Mazurka, with gay cockades and ribands on their shoulders. The pretty bride leads off with her herculean bridegroom. Suddenly Yasiek rushes in upon the dancers and cries, “To arms! rise and rebel, for Poland!” But the couples—as if bewitched—continue to dance the national measure. Yasiek, bitterly disappointed, sees his hopes blighted and, choked with despair, he sinks to the ground. But the couples go on dancing, and he is trampled to death by the feet of those whom he came to lead to freedom. This scene epitomises the position of affairs in modern Poland—the despair of the great lord with his pedigree, broad acres, and capital, who has absolutely no hold over the plain people because they have turned away from him. They have lost their rights, their land and their traditions; the only link between the two is the Catholic ideal, the ideal of Polish Catholicism, which is hallowed in the image of Our Lady of Csenstochova, whose brow is encircled with the crown of the ancient Queens of Poland.
The younger generation in Poland has realized that this link between the Classes and Masses must rest on a surer foundation.
Between the aristocracy and the masses has arisen the class of the educated poor. These people are mainly of Russian descent, but the sons of Polish Jews form an important proportion and have acquired considerable influence, chiefly in the journalistic world. This young Poland saw itself confronted by a great vanished Polish age of romanticists and poets, with pronounced aristocratic and Catholic sentiments. The whole intellectual struggle of the modern democratic generation consists in an attempt to find contact with this past. Science also is endeavouring to reconcile the spirit of the present with the spirit of the past, and hopes to prepare the future development of an individualistic Polish culture on this foundation.
The contrast between German and Polish culture is the contrast between the culture of the masses and the culture of the individual. The principal social feature in mediæval Germany was feudalism. Germany was ruled by a number of feudal princes, Poland by a number of aristocratic families. But this régime proved disastrous to Poland. A state where individuals rule by mutual consent is bound to develop differently from one where families rule without any mutual consent. In the expansive Western monarchies the power of the State increased, while the aristocratic republic of Poland steadily declined. The main reason for this difference probably lies in the geographical position of Poland. It lay too far from the West—too far from Rome and its culture.
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The province of Galicia, which fell to Austria’s share by the partition of Poland, undoubtedly fared better than the rest of the country. It is inhabited by 4,252,483 Poles and 3,381,570 Ruthenes (including Bukovina). As geographical and racial neighbours of the Csechs, who were already displaying the greatest determination in their national struggle, the great population bade fair to become a danger to Austrian policy. Vienna was quick to realize this, and arranged her tactics towards the Poles accordingly. As soon as the Russian and German Poles began to be down-trodden, it was an easy matter to dispose of any separatist tendency among the Austrian Poles by reminding them of the position of their brothers. At home the Government began by fomenting the national discord between the Poles and the Ruthenes. It neglected the latter in favour of the Poles, and absolutely disregarded their reasonable claims. The Poles were not only granted great national and political concessions; they became the Slav favourite of the Viennese ministry. Not only were they represented by their own “Landmannsminister” (“the Secretary for Galicia,” so to say), but one other important portfolio (usually that of Finance) was always entrusted to a Pole.
The Poles were quite content with this position and supported Austrian policy accordingly. As this policy is above all things anti-Slav, this meant that the most chivalrous of all the Slav nations became a tool in the hands of Slavdom’s chief oppressor. This was partly due to the fact that this staunchly Catholic people is surrounded by non-Catholic enemies—by Protestant Germans on the one hand and Orthodox Russians on the other. Moreover, they look upon Catholicism as the one safe harbor—hence their attachment to Roman Catholic Austria. Here also lies the clue to Polish views, their sympathies and antipathies. But there is no justification for this position. Catholicism is not a Slav national religion, and can never become part of the soul of a Slav people. Strictly speaking, it is responsible for the decline of part of the Slav race. All Catholic Slav countries up to date have been in captivity, whereas all such Slavs as have retained their national orthodox religion are free. It is quite natural that the Poles should cling to Catholicism as an acquired religion which appeals to them, but they should not have used it as a national and traditional basis for their attitude towards the rest of the Slavs. It is a mistake which has done little good to their own national aspirations, and incalculable harm to the Slav cause.
In many Slav circles there is a tendency to ascribe this attitude of the Poles, not to their Messianic ideal, but to a purely individual egotism. This view is at least partially true, were it only because Polish politics are not the politics of the nation, but of the ruling class. The Polish aristocracy, who were unable to forget their past glories, saw in the feudal and aristocratic principles of the Austrian Government a possibility of retaining their position in the Dual Monarchy. They made full use of their opportunities even while (in theory) they were careful to guard Polish national interests. This aristocracy had no feeling for the common Slav cause, and whenever they had a chance of authority (Goluchowski, Bilinski) they have proved themselves a positive danger to the cause. That this aristocracy has cast its spell over the greater part of the educated classes and formed political parties as it chose is due to the inherent moral dependence of the Pole upon his aristocracy;—snobbery is as much a disease with him as Roman Catholicism. Not however among the common people are they always the heedless dancers of Wijspianski’s drama. They allow everything to pass over them, and only trample upon that which happens to lie beneath their feet. Moreover, their inmost soul is rich in the true Slav qualities; but this wealth is hidden as in a fast-locked casket, and there it will lie until the radiant smile of the “Mother of God” of Csenstochova shall miraculously reveal it.
For a long time Polish politics have disturbed the Slav balance in the Dual Monarchy. The Austro-Hungarian monarchy is properly a Slav State in the fullest sense of the word. According to official statistics 22,821,864 out of 51,351,531 souls are Slavs. The ruling races, Germans and Hungarians, number 21,259,644 between them, and the remainder are accounted for by Roumanians, Italians and other nationalities. It must be pointed out that Slavs living in Hungary (especially in Baczka and in the Banat) are—much against their will—simply entered in the census as Hungarians, and that in like manner hundreds of thousands of Slavs in Bohemia, Carinthia, Styria and Carniola are put down as Germans. Protests against these proceedings pass unheeded, and Slav National Census Unions were formed to check the Governmental statistics; according to these more than 50 per cent. of the entire population are Slavs. This percentage is proportionately increased if we further include the Slav emigrants in Australia and America. These number about five million, and would doubtless return to their homes if more tolerable conditions could be procured.
And yet this Monarchy aspires to be anything but a Slav State. German and Magyar rule has sought to swamp the Slav element in every possible way. Following Metternich’s principle “divide et impera” the Slavs were divided into two “spheres.” The Northern Slavs were handed over to Austrian autocracy, and the Southern Slavs to Magyar plutocracy. Thus it came to pass that 9 million Germans rule 15 million Slavs, and 10 million Magyars, Jews, or spurious Magyars rule 7-1/2 million Slavs.