Serbian relations with Austria have been an important, and indeed the decisive, factor in recent Serb history; and the events which are the outcome of these relations will either bring about the territorial consolidation of Serbia or her final ruin. Austria-Hungary was never a well-wisher of Serbia, although she has often brazenly posed as her benefactor. It has always been Austria’s aim to detach Serbia from Russian influence, and to bring her under the soul-saving protectorate of the Monarchy. The nearest road to Salonika lies through Serbia, and at all costs this route had to be secured. If only Serbia could be made dependent upon Austria-Hungary, it would be much better for the aims of Germanistic expansive policy; it would also paralyse the Southern Slavs in the Monarchy. Knowing that the Great Powers, especially Russia, would never permit an effective occupation of Serbia, Austria sought by intrigues in the spirit of Metternich to make her influence predominant in Serbia, also economically to weaken her as a state, by vexatious commercial treaties in the hope of rendering her more amenable towards the Monarchy. Serbia bravely resisted all these attempts and suffered considerable material loss; but she stood firm in the knowledge that she is the first and strongest fortress in the way of German pressure towards the East, and staunchly believed in the ultimate success of her cause. The brave little country had a mission to fulfil, not only in her own interest, but in that of the Slav race and the whole of Europe. Vienna and Berlin knew that Serbia was a very hard nut, but they felt confident of cracking it in the end. When open aggression failed, they put a good face on the matter, and assured the hard-pressed Serbs of their kind intentions. The occupation of Bosnia and Hercegovina was the first tangible proof of these kind intentions, for on that occasion Austria “delivered” two million Serbs and Croats from Turkish bondage. Unfortunately Serbia did not in the least appreciate this “benefit,” whereby a large number of her kindred were handed over to the tender mercies of Austria, whose solicitous care of her Southern Slav subjects was only too well known—in fact, instead of being grateful, Serbia never ceased to point out her own national and territorial claims upon Bosnia and Hercegovina. Naturally this insolent attitude on the part of Serbia provoked the animosity, and presently the official disfavour, of Austria. This disfavour was displayed on every possible occasion although it always wore a sanctimonious garb. Serbia was too weak and unprepared to retort aggressively upon this animosity; her defence was limited to diplomatic measures and the moral support of Russia. It was a marvellous achievement on the part of her statesmen that in the face of strong popular feeling they so long staved off an open rupture; and that they did not let the thirty-five years of misgovernment in Bosnia and Hercegovina, or the oppression of the Southern Slavs, drive them to a desperate decision. The influence of European diplomacy was doubtless very helpful; still, the Serbian people displayed admirable restraint under constant provocation. Germany and Austria, who are able to corrupt the greater part of their own Press, and even many foreign newspapers, and can command a whole staff of political agitators, never relaxed their campaign of abuse and calumny against Serbia, and everywhere represented her as an incapable, barbarous, and dangerous State. In this they were only too successful. Unfortunately the condition of Serbian home politics has often been deplorable, and in addition to this the murder of the King and Queen in 1903 provided ample material for biassing public opinion in Europe. On the whole Europe endorsed these calumnies and refused to listen to the counter-protestations of Russia and other Slavs, because the testimony of barbarians and troglodytes was obviously valueless. Serbia was frequently reduced to desperate straits. She was really defending the cause of civilization by stemming the tide of Germanism in the East—she was preparing a great world-work, and her reward was merely contempt or a pitying smile. Without Russia’s moral support she must have been swamped by Austria long ago.
With the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina in 1909 and the disgraceful circumstances that preceded it (which I shall touch upon in a later chapter), the mutual enmity between Austria and Serbia reached its height. War between Austria-Hungary on the one hand and Russia and Serbia on the other, seemed imminent, and was only averted by the intervention of European diplomacy, especially by the efforts of Sir Edward Grey. In a declaration dated March 31st, 1909, Serbia acknowledged the annexation as an accomplished fact, and promised henceforth to conduct her policy in a neighbourly and friendly spirit towards Austria. This was the last act of self-abasement extorted from the unhappy country, but by no means the end of hostile agitations. On the contrary, these only became more virulent, because Austria considered the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina merely a prelude to the invasion of Serbia. Hence the necessity of representing Serbia as a menace to the peace of Europe, and especially to the position of the Monarchy as a Great Power. Serbia’s prestige declined still further. But suddenly a new contingency arose, and the Balkan War of 1912 brought to light a series of glorious proofs of heroism, self-control, statesmanship, and military and national ability on the part of Serbia. The contempt of Europe was transformed into admiration, and Serbia suddenly found herself appreciated at her true value. This was a blow Austria could not forgive, and still less the fact that the criminal blunder of the second Balkan War, whereby she fondly hoped that Serbia would be crushed, proved unsuccessful. A strong and respected Serbia was a thorn in the flesh to Austria and a disquieting influence among her Southern Slav subjects. Henceforth the Viennese Foreign Office concentrated its efforts on the destruction of Serbia at all costs. First of all Serbia was confronted with a demand for such trade concessions as would render her economically dependent upon Austria, and the next commercial treaty was to have placed Austria in the position of a “most favoured nation.” In politics Austria had recourse to the invention of the spectre of a “Greater Serbia,”—an idea which hitherto had merely possessed intellectual significance, and whose representatives were a few hot-heads quite unconnected with Serbian official policy. To make this new propaganda convincing Austria employed a large number of agents provocateurs, whose masterpiece appears to have been the attempt upon the Archduke Francis Ferdinand at Serajevo, June 28th, 1914. Truly, when all the side-issues are taken into account, it seems more than likely that the attempt at least was staged by Austrian agents. Was the assassination merely an accident?[14] It is to be feared that this is one of the unhappy mysteries which will never be fully cleared up.
CHAPTER VII.
MONTENEGRO.
The Country of the Black Mountain—Women Warriors—King, Poet and Farmer—Historical Sketch of Montenegro—Petar I., Petrović—Petar II.—Pro-Russian Policy—A Royal Poet—Nikola I.
All I have said about Serbia applies equally to Montenegro. The nations are one and the same: they are identical in every respect and only geographically divided. Montenegro is the Serbian advance guard on the Adriatic. It is the eagle’s nest of Europe, the loftiest symbol of freedom and independence. Nature herself has given this people an impregnable fortress, and placed in their hands the keys of Southern Slav liberty. From the height of their barren Black Mountains the valiant high-spirited Montenegrin has looked down for centuries on the rise and fall of his kinsmen all around him. In all the tragedies that have passed in the shadow of his eyrie he has played his part, both as dauntless warrior, and the bard of freedom who from his mountain heights sang the song of the future to his enslaved brothers. The Montenegrin has always been the same. In war-time[130] he is a warrior, in times of peace a shepherd armed to the teeth. He is inseparable from his weapons, but only uses them against his enemies. Though his aspect is martial and his glance fierce, he bears a kindly, loveable heart. Comparing his outward appearance with his soul, one might call him a lion with the heart of a dove. A friend, whoever he may be, is welcomed with open arms, and his rough, powerful hand can be gently caressing as a child’s. But an enemy will be crushed by its weight; for the Montenegrin hates his foe, hates him passionately, fiercely and implacably, and he is ever on the watch for him. Even at tender age the children are decked with weapons and have to learn the use of them under the eyes of their elders. And the enemy is always the “Schwabo.” The women are just as efficiently trained to arms as the men, and it has often happened that the Montenegrin Amazons played a decisive part in warfare; and, when weapons were scarce, the women rolled mighty rocks from the heights down upon their enemies. Fighting is a grim pleasure to the Montenegrin in war-time, and his recreation in times of peace. Whoever has travelled in the Montenegrin mountains cannot fail often to have noticed two goatherds in the midst of their herds, fencing with their “Handzars” (the sheathless scimitar of the Montenegrins) and not far off two goat-girls similarly engaged.
The Montenegrin is not a great farmer. The soil is poor and barren; yet every patch of fertile ground is utilized to the utmost of its resources, and good soil is often carried from a great distance and deposited in the stony corries for the cultivation of a little maize and corn. But the Montenegrin cares less for a full stomach than for a light heart. It is a people that is for ever singing, and the wealth of Serbo-Croat folk-songs provides them with ample material.
The relations between the Montenegrins and their rulers is without parallel in Europe. Certainly the King is the “Gospodar” (ruler), but he is really only the chief warrior, the chief farmer, and the chief poet of his country. The dynasty is descended from Montenegrin farmers and is deep-rooted in the people themselves. The Montenegrin does not consider his King so much the head of the State, as the leader of the nation, and relations between them are familiar and fraternal. The King is the father, and the people are his children in a perfectly patriarchal sense. There is no trace of Western European formality in their intercourse. The familiar “thou” is used on either side, and the simplest peasant shakes hands with the King as a matter of course. But in war time the King’s word is law, and the unquestioning discipline of the people is founded on their mutual relations in times of peace—founded on the love of the people for their ruler.
The Montenegrins are Serbs by nationality, and their Royal House, like that of Serbia, has sprung from the people. Neither country has ever been ruled by a foreign prince.