“I wish we could be sure he would. It will be his aim to make her dismiss him, so that he may have a cry with which to go to the country. We must contrive to force his hand in some way, so that the onus of his resignation may fall on him and not on her. But we can talk of this later. Let us imagine Drakovics out of the way, and the stage clear. You will take the responsibility of forming a Cabinet, I suppose, Prince?”
“I?” cried Prince Mirkovics, much perturbed. “I have never thought of such a thing, Count. I am not a statesman. I can only govern my district and vote with my leader. How should I face the diplomacy of Europe, to say nothing of the opposition of Drakovics at home? You are our leader. When we asked you to head our revolt, did you think that we intended to rob you of the honour of victory? We are all prepared to serve under you.”
“We should most certainly have declined to join in the revolt against Drakovics under any other conditions,” said Georgeivics, the War Minister, and the assertion was corroborated by the rest. Cyril bowed to them collectively.
“I won’t express my sense of the honour you have done me just yet,” he said, “for I also have a condition to make before I accept the position.” The faces round the table lengthened perceptibly. “You are all aware that our taking office without any money at our disposal would be a mere farce?”
“It would be a protest,” said Prince Mirkovics; “and we may hope that it will be the first step in breaking down the tyranny of Drakovics.”
“Yes; but it would simply mean our retirement from public life if it failed—and it is bound to fail if we dissolve the Legislature and proceed to fight an election without money. No, I have a proposal to lay before you, gentlemen. A personal friend of my own—who was also a friend of our late sovereign—has promised to advance me the funds necessary to carry on the Government until we can vote our own Estimates. He asks no interest—the transaction is a personal favour to me—but I cannot accept his offer unless I have your promise that in case anything happens to me—for life is uncertain here at election time—you will see the sum that has been advanced duly paid into my account, so that it can be restored to him. For that, of course, I shall leave directions.”
The rest turned and consulted together for some little time, then Prince Mirkovics said hesitatingly—
“Count, we are not in the least impugning your honour; but we feel that we must in our own defence have a satisfactory answer to this question. Does your friend expect no consideration—in the way of concessions or of political power—in return for the inestimable advantage he offers us?”
“None,” returned Cyril. “He is not a politician, nor is he a company promoter. He is an amiable enthusiast, with a foolish belief in myself and in the future of Thracia. By the way, the agent of the syndicate through which he proposes to act—Outis, Niemand, & Other, of Frankfort—is in the house, disguised as a Vienna doctor. If you like, we will have him in.”
The suggestion was gladly accepted, and Herr Stockbaum was introduced and duly catechised. His employers, he said, were a cosmopolitan firm of bankers—Messrs Agathangelos Outis, Theodor Niemand, & A. N. Other, for Cyril had been unable to resist employing the familiar cricketing tag for the edification of his friends—and they had been authorised to place the sum named at the disposal of Count Mortimer. Questioned as to the person from whom they had received their instructions, he professed himself unable to reply, observing cynically that it was evidently some one who liked to fling away his money. As to the fear that some return might be expected, he pointed out that this could be obviated by Cyril’s holding with the Premiership the post of Foreign Secretary, instead of that of Finance Minister, which M. Drakovics had always kept in his own hands. The proposal commended itself to the meeting as much as it did to Cyril, who had originated it in private, and the Ministers dispersed in a very cheerful frame of mind.