ὀκτὼ Θουκυδίδου, ἐννέα Ἡροδότου,
and in his invitations to Paulinus he advises him to leave behind
Historiam, mimos, carmina....[1190]
We must, however, be careful how we interpret ‘historia’. It was an elastic term. In the Technopaegnion, for example, Ausonius has a piece ‘de historiis’,[1191] but the subject-matter is almost entirely in the shadowy realm of mythology—the ‘history’ of Narcissus, Juno, and Philomela; and when the grammarians Crispus and Urbicus are said to be ‘callentes mython plasmata et historiam’, we feel that the juxtaposition of the two subjects is significant. ‘History’, Quintilian had said, ‘is akin to the poets, a sort of prose poetry.’[1192] The interest in the actual facts of history and their meaning is small. A teacher like Ausonius takes very little notice of contemporary events. He refers vaguely to ‘tempora tyrannica’,[1193] and to the residence of Constantine’s brothers at Toulouse.[1194] But of all those contemporary events which we should have expected a man in Ausonius’s position to mention, the declaration as emperor in Gaul of the German Magnentius (350), the campaigns of Julian against the invading Franks (357-8), the crossing of Maximus to Gaul after having been declared emperor in Britain (383), and the affair of Arbogast and Eugenius (392)—these and many other contemporary events of importance do not appear in the pages of Ausonius.
If mythology was a danger for history on the one side, there was antiquity on the other. In the former the tendency was to wander away from facts altogether, in the latter there was a temptation to concentrate on bare facts too much. The historical facts which Sidonius sometimes enumerates sound very much like an inventory.[1195] Staphylius, who is noted for his knowledge of history, was steeped in the six hundred volumes of Varro,[1196] and the antiquarian Victorius dug deep into the musty documents of antiquity, spending on unexplored fields a keen intellect and a tenacious memory.[1197] Ausonius remarks that this meticulous encyclopaedism had made Staphylius neglect Cicero and Vergil,
et quidquid Latia conditur historia.[1198]
Victorius had the scientific spirit, but no use can be made of it for history, which, to Ausonius, means something much nearer to the brilliance of the rhetor than to the patient study of a Victorius or a Staphylius, whom he regards with an airy smile of contempt. The ‘prompta studia’ of the ordinary teacher who glibly talked the traditional stuff are separated with an air of respectability from the work of such cranks as indulge in dusty research.[1199] Rocafort rightly suspects that these students ‘irrisioni, sicut Ausonio, ita cunctis Burdigalensibus fuisse’.[1200] A practical sign of this is the low position which Victorius held: he was not even a grammarian but merely an assistant (subdoctor sive proscholus),[1201] poorly paid, ‘exili nostrae fucatus honore cathedrae’. The subsidiary position of history is indicated by Augustine when he says that it was an accessory to ‘Grammar’, and its mythological and artificial character is criticized in the remark that it was more worked at by grammarians than actual historians.[1202]
It is quite clear that history was studied in a very haphazard way. Even a teacher of sufficient prominence to deliver several[1203] panegyrics before the emperor, such as the Gallic author of the speech to Constantius, talks in a very vague way about some of the best-known statements of Herodotus. ‘Xerxes, ut audio, Persarum rex potissimus, pedicas iecit aureas in profundum....’ Unfamiliarity with Greek history is implied both on the part of the speaker and on the part of the audience. When Ausonius tells us that he wrote a Roman History for his son (ignota aeternae ne sint tibi tempora Romae[1204]), we get the impression that he did it largely because his name appeared in the list of consuls, and to urge his son to follow his footsteps.
Scire cupis qui sim? titulum qui quartus ab uno est
quaere: leges nomen consulis Ausonii.