Andrew Johnson's mental make-up is well known to the officers of the old Union army, and to the American people. His life, his acts, and his speeches are still remembered, and the public judgment formed and registered. I do not propose here to-night to take your time in going into a statement or discussion of this subject. It is sufficient to say that he was endowed by nature with more than ordinary intellectual abilities, and that he had risen from the lowest walks of life by the vigor of his own will, energy, and mental power, through many intermediate places of honor and trust, to the second place in the gift of the American people—the Vice-Presidency of the United States. He was a man of controlling prejudices and strong personality. He was ambitious, bold, hot-tempered, obstinate, and in the achievement of the ends and aims he sought—right ends and aims he may have thought them—he was unscrupulous in the means he used. This is well illustrated in the instance given by General Sheridan in his memoirs of President Johnson's treatment of him while he was in command of New Orleans in 1866.
You will recall the intense feeling aroused throughout the country by the wanton and bloody massacre of the convention assembled at New Orleans, on the 30th of July, that year, to remodel the constitution of that State. General Sheridan had been absent several days in Texas, and was returning, when the riot occurred. He reached New Orleans August 1st, made an investigation, and on the same day sent the following telegraphic report to General Grant:—
"You, are doubtless aware of the serious riot which occurred in this city on the 30th. A political body styling themselves the 'Convention of 1864,' met on the 30th for, as it alleged, the purpose of remodeling the present constitution of the State. The leaders were political agitators and revolutionary men, and the action of the convention was liable to produce breaches of the public peace. I had made up my mind to arrest the head men if the proceedings of the convention were calculated to disturb the tranquility of the department, but I had no cause for action until they committed some overt act. In the meantime official duty called me to Texas, and the mayor of the city, during my absence, suppressed the convention by the use of the police force, and in so doing attacked the members of the convention and a party of two hundred negroes with fire-arms, clubs, and knives, in a manner so unnecessary and atrocious as to compel me to say that it was murder. About forty whites and blacks were thus killed, and about one hundred and sixty wounded. Everything is now quiet, but I deem it best to maintain a military supremacy in the city for a few days, until the affair is fully investigated. I believe the sentiment of the general community is great regret at this unnecessary cruelty, and that the police could have made any arrest they saw fit without sacrificing lives.
"P. H. Sheridan,
Major General commanding."
General Sheridan adds: "On receiving the telegram, General Grant immediately submitted it to the President. Much clamor being made at the North for the publication of the despatch, President Johnson pretended to give it to the newspapers. It appeared in the issues of August 4th, but with this paragraph omitted, viz.:—
"'I had made up my mind to arrest the head men, if the proceedings were calculated to disturb the tranquilty of the department, but I had no cause for action until they committed some overt act. In the meantime official duty called me to Texas, and the mayor of the city, during my absence, suppressed the convention by the use of the police force, and in so doing attacked the members of the convention and a party of two hundred negroes with fire-arms, clubs, and knives, in a manner so unnecessary and atrocious as to compel me to say it was murder.'"
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General Sheridan adds: "Against this garbling of my report, done by the President's own order, I strongly demurred, and this emphatic protest marks the beginning of Mr. Johnson's well-known personal hostility toward me."
It will be observed that the omission of this portion of the despatch—this "garbling," done by President Johnson's own order—changes its whole tenor and meaning; made General Sheridan say exactly contrary to what he did in fact say. Omitting the part struck out, and connecting the two sentences that come together, the President made the despatch read: "The leaders were political agitators and revolutionary men, and the action of the convention was liable to produce breaches of the public peace. About forty whites and blacks were thus killed, and about one hundred and sixty wounded."
Observe—this makes General Sheridan say that the action of the convention was liable to produce breaches of the public peace, and thus,—in this wise,—about forty whites and blacks were killed and about one hundred and sixty wounded. General Sheridan said nothing of the kind—nothing in the whole despatch had any such implication or meaning. What he did say was that the mayor of the city "suppressed the convention by the use of the police force, and in so doing attacked the members of the convention and a party of two hundred negroes with fire-arms, clubs, and knives, in a manner so unnecessary and atrocious as to compel me to say that it was murder"; and "thus" by this means, by this mayor and his police, about forty whites and blacks were killed and about one hundred and sixty wounded.
Is it too much to say that a man who could do this wrong to General Sheridan,—could mutilate and corrupt a despatch so as to cause him to make a false report about a people over whom he was placed in government; to cause him to state falsely the facts and circumstances about an event in which forty persons had lost their lives, and one hundred and sixty had been grievously wounded,—would hesitate to state a falsehood about Judge Holt? Is it too much to say that a man who could do this, and then try to mislead and deceive the people of the United States as to this tragic event, about which they were clamoring to know the truth, perpetrating a lie upon them by mutilating and corrupting a despatch and promulgating it as the true one, would hesitate to deceive the people about the fact as to whether he did or did not see the recommendation to mercy of Mrs. Surratt? Is it not fair to say that he was of such mental structure and moral fibre as to do this wrong?