Naples, Monday, November 7th.—I rose early, in order to see our entrance into the Bay of Naples; and was rewarded on going on deck by a wonderful spectacle. There was a long line of sharply defined hills on the starboard side, lying black against the dark night sky; but away to the south, it seemed as though the curtain of night had been lifted, and here a low streak of brilliant flame showed itself, and against it the hills stood out in splendid vividness. Slowly the dawn stole over sea and sky, painting both with a hundred rainbow tints. On our port quarter lay the beautiful island of Capri, a picturesque mass of grey rock rising ghostlike from the silver sea. And now the sky changed to an exquisite salmon colour, whilst the sea shone like white metal. Then the sun gradually broke through the rift in the cloud-barrier, and as he did so the faint salmon and the silver-grey tints faded out of sight, and pink and blue became the prevailing colours. All this time the sea was as smooth as glass, and our stately ship glided almost noiselessly over it. Presently, when the beautiful sunrise effects had disappeared before the broadening day, light clouds began to spread themselves over the sky; but they did not prevent my seeing Vesuvius, with its cap of thick smoke, and lovely Sorrento amid its groves of lemons and olives; and by and by the long line of the white houses of Naples appeared at the bottom of the bay, with the Castle of St. Elmo towering far above them; and almost before we were aware, we were at anchor in a crowded harbour, and were feasting our eyes upon the famous southern city.
And here I may well pause in this story of my trip to Tunis. I had once more reached the mainland of Europe. I was within easy reach of home, and though I loitered a few days in Naples, hearing much whilst I was there of the indignation prevailing throughout Italy at the conduct of France in poaching upon what the Italians had begun to regard as a preserve of their own, I do not know that my readers would be greatly interested in the story of my life from day to day. I left Naples by the steamship Liguria, of the Orient line, and after a very quick but monotonous voyage of six days, landed at Plymouth, on Wednesday, November 16th.
CHAPTER XIV.
POLITICS IN TUNIS.
A survey of the situation — M. Roustan’s policy — The first campaign — The Treaty of the Bardo — The insurrection — Bombardment of Sfax — Occupation of Tunis — March upon Kairwan — Capture of Kairwan — Results of the French policy — English interests — Estrangement of Italy.
I have completed the record of my visit to Tunis, but I shall hardly have accomplished my whole task until I have said something regarding the remarkable political situation which I found in existence there. From the foregoing pages I have excluded politics as far as possible; but the political problem which Tunis at this moment presents to the world is so remarkable, that it is impossible to pass it by unnoticed; and I shall attempt, therefore, in this concluding Chapter, by giving some extracts from my diary referring to this aspect of my visit, to convey to the reader an idea of the state of things existing in the Regency at the time when I was there. Those who trouble themselves to read these pages will see that more than once I have indulged in the gratuitous blunder of prophesying. My prophecies were not only written on the dates mentioned, but were printed a few days afterwards in the Standard newspaper. I do not think however that my predictions as to what must be the result of M. Roustan’s adventures in Tunis have proved to be very far wrong. Writing several weeks before the famous Roustan-Rochefort trial, I gave in outline most of the facts which were brought to light during the course of that trial, and upon some other points of interest, such as the probable action of the insurgent Arabs after the fall of Kairwan, I foretold with tolerable accuracy what has actually come to pass. Let me say at once, however, that the credit of this is not due to me, but to those clear-sighted and dispassionate men with whom I had the good fortune to be brought in contact during my stay in the Regency, and who did so much to enlighten my mind as to the real nature of the situation existing there.
And here it may be proper to observe, by way of showing that England is not without an interest of her own in Tunisian politics, that not fewer than 10,000 subjects of the Queen are to be found in the Regency. It is perhaps hardly necessary to say that these are almost all Maltese, the number of actual Englishmen in the Regency being probably under twenty. As coachmen, boatmen, gardeners, artisans, and coffee-shop keepers, the Maltese find plenty to do in all parts of Tunis. Their moral character is not very high, and at times they give her Majesty’s Consul-General not a little trouble; but they are English subjects, protected by treaty; and it is the undoubted duty of our government to watch over their interests. That recent events in Tunis have not been very favourable to these persons is only too certain. Some thirty British subjects have been killed during the course of the war between the French and the Arabs, and an enormous quantity of property, belonging not merely to Maltese, but to English merchants trading through agents in the Regency, has been destroyed. The loss of life is chiefly due to the Arabs; but the loss of property is almost entirely due to the French, who have peculiar notions as to the rights of neutrals, where a question of loot is concerned. English trade with Tunis is very large. The esparto grass, which is exported from Sfax and other places on the coast, is almost all brought to this country; and the name of one English firm, Messrs. Perry, Bury, and Co., of Manchester, seemed to be on the lips of all the traders in the Gulf of Hammamet. England as a great consumer of the products of Tunis, naturally supplies that country in turn with many of the articles required by her inhabitants, and it was pleasing to see that genuine English goods—Manchester cottons, Sheffield knives, and London pickles, sauces, and tinned meats—enjoyed a practical monopoly in the towns of the Regency. It is not, therefore, correct to represent this country as having no interest in Tunis. At the same time it would be a mistake to exaggerate the extent of that interest, or to give way to any imaginary fears, because France, by one of the most cynical acts of aggression on record, has made herself the mistress of the destinies of the country. Her act is a serious one so far as the Italians are concerned; but England, so long as she retains Malta can afford to look on at the endless schemes and counter-schemes of the rivals, with something like indifference.
When I reached Tunis the second act in the comedy devised by M. Roustan was in full progress. The Bey had succumbed to the inevitable, when the French Consul waited upon him in his palace at Manouba, and, pointing to the Republican troops drawn up within sight of the windows of the room where they were seated, warned the unlucky Ruler that the occupation of Tunis would be immediately effected, unless the treaty which was presented to him were signed. Those who were in Tunis at that time know what anguish prevailed, not merely at the palace but in the capital, during this crisis. Mr. Reade had been the adviser of the Bey up to this point. His Highness had placed himself entirely in his hands, and the English Consul-General had given him the best possible counsel. It was at Mr. Reade’s instigation that the Bey had not only desisted from offering any resistance to the progress of the French troops through his territory, but had despatched his brother, the heir apparent, Si Ali Bey, at the head of the Tunisian army, for the purpose of cooperating with the French commander in his operations against the “Kroumirs.” Everybody in Tunis knew then what everybody in France knows now, that the ravages of the so-called Kroumirs were a mere pretext for the invasion of the Regency, and that the expedition was sent forth in the interests of French financiers, who found their interests threatened by the schemes of Italian rivals.
The first and natural wish of the Bey was to oppose the French invasion by force; for he was perfectly conscious of the fact that the Republic had not the shadow of justification for its attack upon his territory. Mr. Reade, by his urgent solicitations induced the Bey to abstain from the fatal step of resistance; he even went further, and, as I have shown, got him to send his own brother and the Tunisian army, not to oppose but to cooperate with the French. In the meantime, it was hoped that by urgent diplomatic representations to the different courts of Europe some steps might be taken to avert the impending catastrophe. M. Roustan and his friends were greatly disappointed when they learned that the Bey, by the wise advice of Mr. Reade, was not going to fall into the trap they had laid for him, by offering any resistance to the advance of the French troops. To most men this step on the part of his Highness would have seemed a fatal bar to further action on their part. M. Roustan, however, did not allow himself to be materially hindered by the Bey’s discreet conduct. Abandoning even the semblance of a pretext he brought the French troops up to the village of Manouba, within four miles of Tunis, and within sight of the Bardo and the Bey’s private palace. Then, as we have seen, he presented his monstrous treaty for signature. The Bey’s agony, as I have said, was intense. He knew that to permit the occupation of Tunis would be to seal his own doom. Henceforth he would be merely a puppet in the hands of M. Roustan, and the greater part of his Arab subjects would treat him with the contempt due to a traitor. On the other hand, he could not fail to see that the Roustan treaty was merely the prelude to the seizure of his sceptre by the French. With the aid of Mr. Broadley, an English barrister, he drew up a dignified protest against the action of France, and telegraphed this to all the courts of Europe, during the few hours which his hard taskmaster was good enough to allow him for consideration. Up to the date of my leaving Tunis—November 3rd—not one of the recipients of this protest, which was sent off in May, had found time to acknowledge its receipt. So, deserted by Europe, and alas! no longer allowed to feel confidence in Mr. Reade’s power to help him, the Bey signed the treaty, and placed himself in the hands of M. Roustan.