Problems in American Democracy

by Thames Williamson

424. SERVICES PERFORMED BY THE POLITICAL PARTY.—The political party performs three great services. [Footnote: The following arrangement of the services of the political party was suggested to me by Professor W. B. Munro, of Harvard University. For a fuller discussion see Chapter XXII of his The Government of the United States, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1919.]

The first of these is that the party provides machinery which bridges over the gaps between local, state, and National government. Similarly, it often serves to bring the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government into harmony with one another. The check and balance system so divides authority in American government that in many ways the different branches and divisions of government are unco÷rdinated. The party facilitates the working of American government because party members affiliated with one division of government will tend to co÷perate with members of the same party who may be in control of other divisions of government. For example, a Democratic governor tends to co÷perate with the Democratic members of the state legislature. Similarly, a Republican President will tend to work in harmony with those members of his party who are in control of purely state government.

The second great service performed by the party is that it formulates public issues and presents them in concrete shape to the voters. Just as in industry it is the function of the entrepreneur to co÷rdinate the other factors of production, so in government it is the function of the politician to act as a co÷rdinator. Indeed, President Lowell calls the politician a broker, without whose services popular government would be impossible. If voters went to the polls with no previous agreement as to candidates or issues, but each determined to vote for whomever he liked, thousands of names might be found on the ballot. If a majority were required to elect, no individual would be chosen. The party thus performs a valuable service by formulating those principles which will attract the greatest number of voters, and by definitely associating those principles with particular candidates. These issues and these candidates the party places squarely before the electorate, to the exclusion of minor issues and unimportant candidates. The party is thus a means whereby democracy makes up its mind, and expresses that mind with a minimum of confusion and disorder.

The third great service of the political party is that it provides a means of collective and continuing responsibility in politics. If a candidate were not affiliated with any political party, misbehavior in office might result in his removal or in his failure to secure reŰlection. But here responsibility would end. When, on the other hand, the party selects, supports, and vouches for a candidate, the party constitutes a definite and permanent pledge to the voters. Thus the party is stimulated to select its candidates carefully, lest their incompetence or dishonesty fatally injure the reputation of the party. The past exploits of the party are appropriated for future campaigns; conversely, the failure or misbehavior of an officeholder will be pointed out by his political enemies as typical of the party to which the unfortunate man belongs.

425. THE ABUSE OF PARTY POWER.—Though party government confers substantial benefits, it is likewise true that the power of the political party has been frequently abused. American party organizations sprang up silently, and developed largely without legal control. Increased power has been accompanied by diffused responsibility; increased power and diffused responsibility have led to the abuse of power. The evils of the party are numerous, and only those of fundamental importance can be discussed in this text. Some of these evils will appear in successive chapters; a few may be treated here. In every case, it should be borne in mind, the basic defect of party government is that the party has tended to use its power primarily for private rather than public ends.

426. CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS.—Throughout much of our national history one of the great evils of the political party has had to do with contributions to the campaign fund. A few decades ago it was the custom of parties, not only to accept large sums of money from special interests, but actually to demand substantial contributions from railroad and other corporations on pain of unfriendly legislation when the party got into power. In our cities gambling houses and other vicious interests habitually contributed to the campaign fund of the party, with the understanding that the party so supported would, if successful at the polls, protect these unlawful businesses. Large amounts were also secured from officeholders who feared to incur the ill will of the party by refusing to contribute to the campaign fund. The enormous sums got together from these various sources were used to finance election contests, the peak being reached when in the presidential election of 1896 the Republican party is said to have spent more than $7,000,000. The source of most of this sum was unknown to the general public.

Fortunately, recent legislation has remedied a considerable measure of the evils attending unrestricted contributions to the campaign fund. Laws now prohibit party agents from seeking contributions from the holders of Federal civil service offices. In 1910 and 1911 Congress passed Acts providing that a candidate for Representative to Congress may not expend more than $5000 toward his election, while a United States Senator may not spend more than $10,000 for a similar purpose. Other laws specify the purposes for which campaign money may be spent. In presidential and congressional elections the treasurer of the national committee of each party must now report the entire campaign fund contributed and expended, giving the name of every individual contributing over $1000, and also furnishing an itemized statement of all expenditures over $10. This report is filed with the clerk of the House of Representatives, and is open to the public.

There can be no doubt but that these and similar laws have operated to deprive the campaign fund of many of its illegitimate features. Most of the money now expended by parties is secured from a large number of small contributions. This not only lessens the control of party policies by special interests, but it also serves to make the party more responsible to the rank and file of the organization.

427. PARTY DOMINATION OF NOMINATIONS AND ELECTIONS.—A great problem of party government is to prevent parties from unduly influencing the choice of public officials. Leaving until later the general question of nominations and elections, it may be pointed out here that very often the whole weight of party power is directed toward securing the election to office of candidates deemed desirable by the party machine. The political "boss" has consistently used his power to manipulate the caucus or the primary so as to advance his own interests at public expense. Caucuses have been held without proper notice being given, and party henchmen have been employed to work for an inside clique or ring. Formerly the rolls of party members were padded with the names of men dead or absent. Too often elections were characterized by the stuffing of ballot boxes, the intimidation or bribery of voters, and the practice of voting more than once. The effect of these and similar practices has been to thwart the will of the majority of party members, and to elevate self-interest above the general welfare.

The last few decades of American political history have been characterized by a number of laws designed to safeguard the process of nomination and election. In practically every state in the Union there are corrupt practices acts which aim not only to prevent the misuse of the campaign fund, but to control the party in other respects also. In all but two states registration is a prerequisite to voting. The introduction into this country of the Australian ballot, and its rapid spread among the states after 1890, has made the ballot secret. By preventing the intimidation of the voter, and by otherwise safeguarding his rights at the polls, ballot reform has remedied many abuses which formerly resulted in illegal and unrepresentative elections. Bribery and illegal voting are no longer glaring evils. It is now the general practice for state laws to provide definite polling places, and to guard the receiving and counting of the ballots.