[38] The domain of Iberian coins reaches decidedly beyond the Pyrenees, though the interpretation of individual coin–legends, which are among others referred to Perpignan and Narbonne, is not certain. As all these coinings took place under Roman authorisation, this suggests the question whether this portion of the subsequent Narbonensis was not at an earlier date—namely before the founding of Narbo (636 U.C.)118.—under the governor of Hither Spain. There are no Aquitanian coins with Iberian legends any more than from north–western Spain, probably because the Roman supremacy, under whose protection this coinage grew up, did not, so long as the latter lasted, i.e. perhaps up to the Numantine war, embrace those regions.
[39] This is shown by the remarkable inscription of Avignon (Herzog. Gall. Narb. n. 403): T. Carisius T. f. pr[aetor] Volcar[um] dat—the oldest evidence for the Roman organisation of the commonwealth in these regions.
[40] Noviodunum (Nyon on the lake of Geneva) alone perhaps in the three Gauls may be compared, as regards plan, with Lugudunum (iv. 254)iv. 242.; but, as this community emerges later as civitas Equestrium (Inscrip. Helvet. 115), it seems to have been inserted among the cantons, which was not the case with Lugudunum.
[41] The persons earlier driven forth from Vienna by the Allobroges (οἱ ἐκ Οὐιέννης τῆς Ναρβωνησίας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀλλοβρίγων ποτὲ ἐκπεσόντες), in Dio, xlvi. 50, cannot well have been other than Roman citizens, for the foundation of a burgess–colony for their benefit is intelligible only on this supposition. The “earlier” expulsion probably stood connected with the rising of the Allobroges under Catugnatus in 693 61. (iv. 223)iv. 213.. The explanation why the dispossessed were not brought back, but were settled elsewhere, is not forthcoming; but various reasons prompting such a course may be conceived, and the fact itself is not thereby called in question. The revenues accruing to the city (Tacitus, Hist. i. 65) may have been conferred upon it possibly at the expense of Vienna.
[42] The ground belonged formerly to the Segusiavi (Plin. H. N. iv. 15, 107; Strabo, p. 186, 192), one of the small client–cantons of the Haedui (Caesar, B. G. vii. 75); but in the cantonal division it counts not as one of these, but stands for itself as μητρόπολις (Ptolem. ii. 8, 11, 12).
[43] This was the 1200 soldiers with whom, as Agrippa the king of the Jews says in Josephus (Bell. Jud. ii. 16, 4), the Romans held in subjection the whole of Gaul.
[44] Nothing is so significant of the position of Treves at this time as the ordinance of the emperor Gratianus of the year 376 (Cod. Theod. xiii. 3, 11), that there should be given to the professors of rhetoric and of the grammar of both languages in all the capitals of the then subsisting seventeen Gallic provinces, over and above their municipal salary, a like addition from the state chest: but for Treves this was to be on a higher scale.
[45] In Caesar there appear doubtless, taken on the whole, the same cantons as are thereafter represented in the Augustan arrangement, but at the same time manifold traces of smaller client–unions (comp. iv. 237)iv. 226.; thus as “clients” of the Haedui are named the Segusiavi, the Ambivareti, the Aulerci Brannovices, and the Brannovii (B. G. vii. 75), as clients of the Treveri the Condrusi (B. G. iv. 6), as clients of the Helvetii the Tulingi and Latobriges. With the exception of the Segusiavi, all these are absent from the Lyons diet. Such minor cantons not wholly merged into the leading places may have subsisted in great number in Gaul at the time of the conquest. If, according to Josephus (Bell. Jud. ii. 16, 4), three hundred and five Gallic cantons and twelve hundred towns obeyed the Romans; these may be the figures that were reckoned up for Caesar’s successes in arms; if the small Iberian tribes in Aquitania and the client–cantons in the Celtic land were included in the reckoning, such numbers might well be the result.
[46] This is indicated not only by the inscription in Boissieu, p. 609, where the words totus cens[us Galliarum] are brought into connection with the name of one of the altar–priests, but also by the honorary inscription erected by the three Gauls to an imperial official a censibus accipiendis (Henzen, 6944). He appears to have conducted the revision of the land–register for the whole country, just as formerly Drusus did, while the valuation itself took place by commissaries for the individual districts. A sacerdos Romae et Augusti of the Tarraconensis is praised ob curam tabulari censualis fideliter administratam (C. I. L. ii. 4248); thus doubtless the diets of all provinces were invested with the apportionment of the taxes. The imperial finance–administration of the three Gauls was at least, as a rule, so divided that the two western provinces (Aquitania and Lugudunensis) were placed under one procurator, Belgica and the two Germanies under another; yet there were probably not legally fixed powers for this purpose. A regular taking part in the levy may not be inferred from the discussion held by Hadrian—evidently as an extraordinary step—with representatives of all the Spanish districts (vita, 12).
[47] For the arca Galliarum, the freedman of the three Gauls (Henzen, 6393), the adlector arcae Galliarum, inquisitor Galliarum, iudex arcae Galliarum, no other province, so far as I know, furnishes analogies; and of these institutions, had they been general, the inscriptions elsewhere would certainly have preserved traces. These arrangements appear to point to a self–administering and self–taxing body (the adlector, the meaning of which term is not clear, occurs as an official in collegia, C. I. L. vi. 355; Orelli, 2406); probably this chest defrayed the doubtless not inconsiderable expenditure for the temple–buildings and for the annual festival. The arca Galliarum was not a state–chest.