[114] The division results from Dio, lv. 23.

[115] To it doubtless the epigram of Seneca applies (vol. iv. p. 69, Bährens): oceanusque tuas ultra se respicit aras. The temple too, which according to the satire of the same Seneca (viii. 3), was erected to Claudius during his lifetime in Britain, and the temple certainly identical therewith of the god Claudius in Camalodunum (Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 31), is probably to be taken not as a sanctuary for the town itself, but after the analogy of the shrines of Augustus at Lugudunum and Tarraco. The delecti sacerdotes, who specie religionis omnes fortunas effundebant, are the well–known provincial priests and purveyors of spectacles.

[116] The command stationed here was, at least in later times, without question the most important among the Britannic; and there is also mention here (for it is beyond doubt Eburacum that is in view) of a Palatium (Vita Severi, 22). The praetorium, situated probably on the coast below Eburacum (Itin. Ant. p. 466), may have been the summer seat of the governor.

[117] None have been found to the north of Aldborough and Easingwold (both somewhat north of York). See Bruce, The Roman Wall, p. 61.

[118] The baptistery is perhaps the tomb of the emperor.

[119] That there were no legions stationed on the Danube itself in the year 50, follows from Tacitus, Ann. xii. 29; otherwise it would not have been necessary to send a legion thither to receive the accession of the Suebi. The laying out also of the Claudian Savaria suits better, if the town was then Norican, than if it already belonged to Pannonia; and, as the assignment of this town to Pannonia coincides certainly as to time with the like severance of Carnuntum and with the transference of the legion thither, all this may probably have taken place only in the period after Claudius. The small number also of inscriptions of Italici found in the camps of the Danube (Eph. Ep. v. p. 225) points to their later origin. Certainly there have been found in Carnuntum some epitaphs of soldiers of the 15th legion which, from their outward form and from the absence of cognomen, appear to be older (Hirschfeld, Arch. Epigraph. Mittheilungen, v. 217). Such determinations of date cannot claim full certainty, where a decade is concerned; nevertheless it must be conceded that the former arguments also furnish no full proofs, and the translocation may have begun earlier, possibly under Nero. For the construction or extension of this camp by Vespasian we have the evidence of the inscription, attesting such a structure, of Carnuntum, dating from the year 73 (Hirschfeld, l.c.).

[120] We know whole sets of Thracian, Getic, Dacian names of places and persons. Remarkable in a linguistic point of view is a group of personal names compounded with –centhus: Bithicenthus, Zipacenthus, Disacenthus, Tracicenthus, Linicenthus (Bull. de Corr. Hell. vi. 179), of which the first two also frequently occur isolated in their other half (Bithus, Zipa). A similar group is formed by the compounds with –poris, such as Mucaporis (as Thracian, Bull. l.c., as Dacian in numerous cases), Cetriporis, Rhaskyporis, Bithoporis, Dirdiporis.

[121] Tacitus, Ann. ii. 64, says this expressly. Of free Thracians, viewed from the Roman stand–point, there were at that time none; but the Thracian mountains, and especially the Rhodope of the Bessi, maintained even in the state of peace an attitude as regards the princes installed by Rome, that could hardly be designated as subjection; they acknowledged the king doubtless, but obeyed him, as Tacitus says (l.c. and iv. 46, 51), only when it suited them.

[122] We have still a Greek epigram, dedicated to Cotys by Antipater of Thessalonica (Anthol. Planud. iv. 75), the same poet who celebrated also the conqueror of the Thracians, Piso ([p. 24]), and a Latin epistle in verse addressed to Cotys by Ovid (ex Ponto, ii. 9).

[123] It is one of the most seriously felt blanks of the Roman imperial history that the standing quarters of the two legions, which formed under the Julio–Claudian emperors the garrison of Moesia, the 4th Scythica and the 5th Macedonica (at least these were stationed there in the year 33; C. I. L. iii. 1698) cannot hitherto be pointed out with certainty. Probably they were Viminacium and Singidunum in what was afterwards upper Moesia. Among the legion–camps of lower Moesia, of which that of Troesmis in particular has numerous monuments to show, none appear to be older than Hadrian’s time; the remains of the upper–Moesian are hitherto so scanty that they at least do not hinder our carrying back their origin a century further. When the king of Thrace in the year 18 takes arms against the Bastarnae and Scythians (Tacitus, Ann. ii. 65), this could not have been put forward even as a pretext, had lower–Moesian legionary camps been already at that time in existence. This very narrative shows that the warlike power of this vassal–prince was not inconsiderable, and that the setting aside of an uncompliant king of Thrace demanded caution.