The colored man to whom Mr. Curtis referred was the Rev. Richard Carroll, of Orangeburg, later of Columbia.
In the early fall of the year 1890 he had, in a letter to the editor of The News and Courier, opposing Negro excursions, given, in addition to the very sensible views he put forth concerning such, an indication that he was alive to the greatest need of his race and how best it might be met. Five years before Booker Washington came upon the stage and twenty-two before he saw the light, Carroll seems to have seen it and pointed to it as follows:
“Our Northern friends are turning their attention to the needs of emigrants in the West. We should save money to buy homes while land is cheap.”[234]
That Carroll was, at that date, a vigorous, original, independent thinker and speaker, will be indicated by a fuller description of the incident which Mr. Curtis alludes to above.
Upon the division which occurred in South Carolina between the followers of Judge Haskell and Mr. Tillman, the Republican party in that State, mainly composed of Negroes, had begun to stir and a convention had been called of the leading colored men of the State to consider the advisability of endorsing Judge Haskell and supporting his candidacy, and, the delegates having assembled, a motion was made to leave the matter to the Republican executive committee. The resolution obtained support from many members in strong speeches. It was opposed by one speaker. The following is the newspaper report of the speaker’s remarks:
“The Rev. R. Carroll, of Orangeburg, could not approve leaving the matter to the Republican executive committee, because he knew the committee would endorse the Haskell ticket (How do you know?). Because one of the leaders told me so. I am here to oppose the colored people taking any action whatever. We have got what we have prayed for so long, a split in the Democratic party. Join one side now and we will grasp a shadow. Let the thing work. He believed Tillman ought to be elected (Voices—‘Oh No’). Well let me talk. Before Tillman was nominated, we were all Tillmanites. (Voices—‘No, No’). We all rejoiced. We wanted his success. Now he has been nominated. Tillman has done us more good than any living man since the war. He made colored as well as white people thinkers and readers. Heretofore all Democrats went into office on 76 and the Negro Question. Tillman came along and let the Negro alone (Voices—‘Hamburg, Ellenton’). He put people to thinking of other things than the Negro. He ought to be Governor, and if I was a white Democrat I’d cast 10,000 votes to reward him. I am not afraid of Tillman. I’m afraid of the men who got into his waggon and were pulled into office by him. The white people are divided, but the moment that the Negro comes in, they will get together (applause). Both parties will turn on the Negro and he will have to run to the mountains.... If you endorse Haskell I’ll enter politics with 100,000 others (‘Won’t vote for Tillman’). He’ll be governor just the same.”[235]
Although Carroll was in a minority, he fought the question to a vote, replying to the charges with vigorous thrusts and with regard to the claim that those whom Tillman represented were the lynchers of Negroes asking: “Were they not led by aristocrats as well as common men?”
In fact Carroll appreciated, in advance, what Mr. Curtis deeply interested as he was and keen observer also, never quite grasped, viz., that the dominant faction, in South Carolina, did not intend to permit the Negroes to participate. And this was in fact the greatest fact of the Tillman movement and one which made it utterly unlike all apparently similar efforts in Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia and other Southern States. The head of the camel never having been permitted to enter in South Carolina, the difficulty experienced in the other States in removing the camel, when he had completely filled the tent, was never felt in South Carolina.
In storming his way to place and power, Tillman unquestionably appealed to a class, the farming class, whom he declared constituted seventy-five per cent of the white population, and whom he also averred had been discriminated against. But Tillman really had less prejudice against the old families of South Carolina than many who opposed his candidacy. His people before him had been identified with the soil of South Carolina for generations. His father had held Federal office under Andrew Jackson, and one of his ablest lieutenants, W. D. Evans, was, in 1890, still living on the land originally granted his ancestor in the days of the province of South Carolina.
Once established in power, Tillman was for all classes.