These two statements as they would be generally understood, are inconsistent with each other and contradictory. If it be meant that a sudden thrusting out of four million people from one section, and impelling them into another, as fast as they could be moved, would precipitate a problem, no one would be foolish enough to deny, or attempt to deny, that it would. But, as the gradual introduction of four million Negroes into the North and West could not bring the mass of them up to more than 10 percent of the whole population, then, in many respects, the problem would be ameliorated by any policy which led to their introduction in a reasonable process of diffusion, although it undoubtedly would dispel some dreams, and give rise to some friction and considerable inconvenience for a while.
And, that even Booker Washington commenced to see the advantages of diffusion, became apparent in at least one utterance before his death.
But, before treating of conditions and opinions in 1910, some information may be obtained from a careful consideration of what moral advancement the culture of the slave-holding South had produced in that class of its colored population, which as free persons of color, in the period of slavery, could themselves hold slaves.
In the city of Charleston, South Carolina, in the year 1859 the list of taxpayers shows that 353 free persons of color returned for taxation, $679,164.00 of real estate. They also returned for taxation 290 slaves. Of these tax payers the wealthiest was Maria Weston, whose return for real estate was $41,575.00, slaves, 14; horses, 1. That was one-seventh of the value of the real estate returned by the wealthiest white tax payer in the city and two more slaves. But Maria Weston, while the wealthiest of the free persons of color in Charleston, was not very much more wealthy than R. E. Dereef and Robert Howard, and the average wealth of the free person of color was fairly up to the average wealth of the whites. The story is told in Charleston that when the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher visited the city, after the war between the States he invited himself to become the guest of R. E. Dereef, who received him with admirable hospitality, personally looking to it that the great man lacked nothing in the way of comfort and treating him with perfect civility; but studiously and tactfully avoiding all efforts upon the part of his guest to establish an intimacy. The great Abolitionist confided to a white resident his disappointment that he had met no other member of the family or aroused in the breast of his host any decided interest in one who had done so much to bring about emancipation of the Negroes. But his confidant called to his attention, that he had been treated with admirable and uncomplaining hospitality, by one whom he had relieved of considerable property. Yet it must not be imagined that all free persons of color owned slaves. Of an interesting family, the Holloways, nine taxpayers in all, the wealthiest returned for taxation, real estate to the amount of $8,300.00, while the total of the nine summed up $36,000.00, only one of the nine, however, owned a slave.[280]
It is through what has been preserved by a member of this family, that we get a glimpse of what may be considered to some extent as the viewpoint of this class. That the ideal of J. H. Holloway was somewhat cramped may be admitted; but if so it should also be admitted that the basis was one of the strongest upon which an ideal could repose. It was social purity. Holloway’s father, grandfather and greatgrandfather had all been free men. He was a saddler and harness maker by trade, but he was nevertheless an aristocrat. He was an unobtrusive individual, of gentle nature, true to his convictions and very virtuous. Being opposed to vaccination, he refused to pay the small fine imposed and went to jail instead, assuring the white judge who expressed his regret at being obliged to sentence him, that he had no feeling about the matter, believing the official was doing his duty. The intellect of Holloway was not extraordinary and to not a few his ambition may seem small and trifling; but it was pursued with such a patient faith and pious determination, as to impart to it, in the eyes of some whites in the same locality, who had accomplished something in life, a dignity entitling it to respect. His position resembled that of a priest of a dying cult, to whom the sight of the altars he intensely revered, more and more deserted, as he advanced in years, but the more added to the fervor of his worship; and so Holloway, to the day of his death, remained a devoted disciple of “The Brown” or as it was later called “The Century Fellowship,” the principle assets of which were a grave yard and some minute books. Holloway’s life was a living denial of the charge that the Negro has no interest in the past or future, for to him both of these periods were of importance. What was most noticeable in his thoughts was the balance of them.
On his business card: “J. H. Holloway—Harness Repair Shop, 39 Beaufain Street,” he had caused to be printed a quotation from the Bible—“Let your moderation be known to all men”, to which he had put the very practical addition—“in charges.” Upon the other side of the card he had paraphrased Oliver Wendell Holmes, as follows:
“Know old Charleston? Hope you do
Born there? Dont say so, I was too.
Born in a house with a shingle roof
Standing still, if you must have proof