Having arranged things to his satisfaction in Babylonia, Tiglath-pileser turned his attention to the East (Namri, 744), Ararat (743), and Arpad (same year), the last being his objective up to and including the year 740 b.c. Sardurri of Ararat, however, saw his influence threatened by this move, for he, too, was a conqueror, and had had such success, that he felt justified in calling himself “king of Suri,” or North Syria. How matters fell out is not known, but it may be supposed that the Assyrian king went and besieged Arpad, was attacked whilst doing so by Sardurri and his allies, and compelled to raise the siege. A pursuit of the Armenian forces by the Assyrians was the result of this attack, the end being, in all probability, a decisive victory for Tiglath-pileser. This, according to Rost, would seem to be the most reasonable supposition, for the Assyrian king was able to besiege Arpad again next year without any hindrance. [pg 348] The capture of the city in the third year brought the rulers of the district in which it stood to the feet of the Assyrian king—all except one, Tutamû king of Unqu, who was defeated and captured, and his territories annexed to Assyria.
During the campaigns in the north at the end of 739 b.c., risings took place in Syria and North Phœnicia, and this gave Tiglath-pileser the wished-for opportunity to bring these districts again under his sway. The Eponym Canon gives for this year the simple entry, “He captured the city of Kullanû,” which Rost supposes to have been in the neighbourhood of Hamath, and if so, must be the Calne of Isaiah x. 9, which is there mentioned with Hamath, Carchemish, Arpad, Samaria, and Damascus as having been subdued by Assyria. The mention of Kullanû as the object of the expedition is probably due to its having been one of the chief factors in the disturbances which took place. It would also seem that Azariah of Judah took part in the attempt to get rid of Assyrian influence, and though this was fully recognized by Tiglath-pileser, the Assyrian king to all appearance did not come into direct contact with his country.
Azriau or Izriau (Azariah—Rost's collation of the squeezes shows that both spellings of the name were used) of Judah is mentioned at least four times. The earlier references, however, are so very fragmentary that nothing certain can be said concerning their connection—in one of the passages containing his name the wording leads one to imagine that he was captured by the Assyrian king, though, as Rost has shown, this may simply mean that certain sympathizers of his had taken his part. But whatever may have taken place in Judah, Azariah's sympathizers did not get on so well as their leader. No less than nineteen places were captured by the Assyrian king, including “Usnû, Siannu, Ṣimirra (Simyra), Rašpûna, on the sea-coast, together with [pg 349] the cities of the Sauê-mountains (mountains which are in Lebanon), Ba'ali-ṣapuna (Baal-zephon) as far as Ammana (Amanus, or according to Winckler, the anti-Lebanon), the mountain of urkarinu-wood, the whole of the land of Sau, the province of Kar-Adad (fortress of Hadad), the city of Ḫatarikka, the province of Nuqudina, Ḫasu with the cities which are around it, the cities of Arâ, and the cities which are on each side of it, with the cities (= villages) which are around them, the mountain Sarbûa to its whole extent, the city Ašḫanu, the city Yadabu, the mountain Yaraqu to its whole extent, the city ... -ri, the city Elli-tarbi, the city Zitānu as far as the city Atinnu, the city ... (and) the city Bumamu—XIX. districts of the city of Hamath, with the cities which were around them, of the sea-coast of the setting of the sun, which in sin and wickedness had taken to Azriau, I added to the boundary of Assyria. I set my commander-in-chief as governor over them, 30,300 people I removed from the midst of their cities and caused the province of the city of Ku- ... to take them.”
Notwithstanding that there is no reference to the above in the Old Testament, there is no reason to doubt that it is substantially correct. Its omission is in all probability due to the fact, that neither Judah nor Israel were menaced by the forces of the Assyrian king. Notwithstanding this, the expedition and the success of Tiglath-pileser had its effect, the result being that all the princes of middle and north Syria showed their submission to the Assyrian king by paying tribute, thus ensuring the safety of their territory, at least for a time. This took place after the defeat of Kišî, the Aramean, and his forces, together with several other districts, and the transportation of the inhabitants from their homes to districts in other principalities, a proceeding calculated to destroy national feeling and thus contribute to the safety of [pg 350] the empire by rendering rebellion more unlikely. The following is the list of the princes who secured immunity from attack by paying tribute:—
“Kuštašpu of the city of the Comagenians; Raṣunnu (Rezon) of the land of the Sa-Imērišuites (Syria); Meniḫimme (Menahem) of the city of the Samarians; Ḫirummu (Hirom) of the city of the Tyrians; Sibitti-bi'ili of the city of the Gebalites; Urikku of the Kûites; Pisiris of the Carchemishites; Êni-îlu of the city of the Ḫammatites; Panammû of the city of the Sam'allites; Tarḫulara of the land of the Gurgumites; Sulumal of the land of the Melidites; Dadi-îlu of the land of the Kaskites; Uassurme of the land of the Tabalites; Ušḫitti of the land of the Tunites; Urballâ of the land of the Tuḫanites; Tuḫamme of the city of the Ištundites; Urimme of the city of the Ḫušimnites; Zabibê, queen of the land of Arabia. Gold, silver, lead, iron, elephant-skins, ivory, variegated cloth, linen, violet stuff, crimson stuff, terebinth-wood, oak (?), everything costly, the treasure of a kingdom, fat lambs whose fleeces were coloured crimson, winged birds of heaven, whose feathers were coloured violet, horses, mules, oxen and sheep, male camels and female camels with their young, I received.”
It was a rich booty, and was probably held to be a sufficient return for all the expense, and trials, and hardships of the campaign. Though the kingdom of Judah seems not to have suffered (we must not be too hasty to assume that this was the case, as the Assyrian records are exceedingly defective), Israel, as is mentioned above, paid tribute. It does not appear from the Assyrian account that Tiglath-pileser went against Samaria, but notwithstanding this, 2 Kings xv. 19 has the following—
“There came against the land Pul the king of Assyria; and Menahem gave Pul 1000 talents of silver, that his hand might be with him to confirm the [pg 351] kingdom in his hand. And Menahem exacted the money of Israel, even of all the mighty men of wealth, of each man fifty shekels of silver, to give to the king of Assyria. So the king of Assyria turned back, and stayed not there in the land.”
It is to be noted that there is here nothing about buying the Assyrian king off—the money was paid him to confirm the kingdom in Menahem's hand. The writer apparently assumed that the Assyrian king might not altogether be hostilely inclined, notwithstanding that “he came against the land.” Perhaps by “land” we are to understand “district.” In any case, the two accounts can hardly be said to disagree. He did not war there, but he received Menahem's tribute—it was therefore needless to mention his visit, if such it was. Many a ruler in this district must have done the same thing on this occasion, and there could have been no reason to mention one more than the other—hence, probably, the absence of references to any threatening approach to the borders of Israel and other states on the part of the Assyrian king.
But whilst absent in the west, rebellion was rife nearer home, and was put down with vigour by the governors of the provinces of Lullumû and Na'iru (Mesopotamia). This led to further transportations of the inhabitants, who were sent west to Ṣimirra (Simyra), Arka, Usnu, Siannu, Tu'immu, and other places in Syria. Next year Tiglath-pileser himself marched to Madâa (the Medes), where he had a very successful campaign. As some of the places mentioned have the element Kingi as part of the name, it has been suggested that in all probability the Sumerians, whose Babylonian home was called Kingi, had their original seat in Media.
Campaigns against the district of the mountains of Nal and Ararat, the former as a preparation for the latter, follow, after which comes, according to the [pg 352] Eponym Canon, an expedition to the land Pilišta. This is set down as the event of 734 b.c. There is, it is needless to say, some uncertainty in this expression, as the question naturally arises, What is really included in the term? Assuming, with Rost, that the statements in the Canon indicate the point intended to be reached, and not the farthest point attained, it is very probable that Israel did not come into the sphere of the Assyrian king's operations, and this is all the more probable in that Rost's collation of one of the squeezes in the British Museum shows that instead of the Assyrian form of Abel-Beth-Maachah, we have to read Abil-akka, to which is added, however, the description “on the boundary of Israel (Bît-Ḫumria).” It will be seen, therefore, that though he may not have entered the country, or, at least, made any warlike operations there, he approached well within striking distance of its borders. On this occasion it would seem that he found it necessary to install six new governors so as to ensure the due obedience of the inhabitants. After this, Tiglath-pileser goes on to speak of Hanon of Gaza, who on seeing the approach of the Assyrians fled to Egypt, leaving his capital at the mercy of the invader. Having captured the city, Tiglath-pileser entered Hanon's royal palace, taking possession of all his property, and setting therein his royal couch. He speaks of having delivered something to the gods of the land, and of having laid upon its inhabitants (the payment of tribute and gifts). Further mutilated lines follow, referring to the spoil taken, and there is a reference to the land of Israel (mât Bît-Ḫumria). After this comes the words, “the whole of his people, (with their property) I sent to Assyria.” The gap between the reference to Israel and this line, however, makes it doubtful to what it really refers. The record immediately goes on, however, to speak of the death of Pekah.