P. [146], l. 4. There is no great probability that the name Terah has anything to do with Tarḫu, which occurs in certain names found in Assyrian contracts (Johns, Assyrian Deeds, pp. 127, 458, etc.).
P. [147], l. 4 from below. The family of Terah may, however, have become pastoral on leaving Ur of the Chaldees.
P. [148] (Abram). According to Prof. Breasted (American Journal of Semitic Studies, Oct. 1904) mention is made in the geographical list of Shishak at Karnak of “the field of Abram,” and if this identification be correct, it is the earliest reference to the great ancestor of the Hebrews and the nations associated with them, though it cannot be said that the date (time of Jeroboam and Rehoboam) is a very remote one. Owing to the same Egyptian character being used for both r and l, Maspéro read the word as the plural of 'abel, “meadow.”
P. [150], l. 23. Illustrations of the old Akkadian (or Sumerian) laws will be found in the contracts of adoption of Bêl-êzzu and Arad-Išḫara on pp. [176] and [177]. The laws themselves are given on p. [190].
P. [152], second paragraph. It is needful to state that a few Semitic Babylonian inscriptions of an exceedingly early date (seemingly before 3000 b.c.) exist, likewise a few Sumero-Akkadian texts after 2300 b.c., and the periods of the two languages therefore overlap. Judging from the inscriptions, however, Sumero-Akkadian goes back to a date much earlier than the earliest Semitic, but it was to all appearance hardly used after the period of the dynasty of Ḫammurabi.
P. [158], l. 11. The Gutites were probably Medes.
P. [161], l. 11. It is not improbable that Sippar-Amnanu means simply “Amonite Sippar,” the second word of the compound [pg 553] being apparently from Amna,[338] which is possibly the Babylonian form of the name of the Egyptian sun-god, Amon. Ya'ruru is seemingly the old form of Aruru, one of the names of Ištar, who was also worshipped there.
P. [166]. The wedding-gift was to all appearance the price paid by the bridegroom for the bride, in this case handed to the bride's brother and sister. For the laws concerning this payment, see Ḫammurabi's Code, sections 163 and 164 (p. [505]). It was generally handed to the bride's father (upon a dish, according to Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. v., pl. 24, ll. 48-51cd).[339] Instead of “Ammi-ṭitana the king,” Dr. Schor reads Ammi-ṭitana-šarrum, i.e. as the name of a man, meaning “Ammi-ṭitana is king.” If this be correct, the document is not a record of the marriage of a princess.
P. [168]. The grain given to Šeritum was probably of the nature of a deposit—according to Ḫammurabi's Code, sect. 257, the wages of a reaper were not one gur of grain, but eight.
P. [173-174]. Upon the question of adoption, see Ḫammurabi's Code, sections 185-193. As there is no indication, in these enactments, that female children were included, it is doubtful whether Ana-Aa-uzni and Aḫḫ-ayabi had any remedy in case of repudiation, or refusal to perform all the conditions. Calling the gods to witness was probably regarded as being a sufficient safeguard. Nevertheless, the usage of the language was such that “daughtership” could be included in “sonship.”