Mexican archæology

by Thomas Athol Joyce

MAYA

3. Pottery Censer; British Honduras

(Scale: 1, ⅒th; 2, ⅛th; 3, ⅕th)

To speak broadly, it would appear that cremation was typical of the invading hunter-tribes, inhumation of the early sedentary peoples of the valley of Mexico. If this is so, the interment of individuals whose souls were supposed to be destined for the paradise of Tlaloc is easily explained, since that god appears to have been the deity principally worshipped by the agriculturists of the valley, and it is only natural that the form of burial characteristic of his early worshippers should be retained in such cases.

CHAPTER V—MEXICO: SOCIAL SYSTEM, WAR, TRADE AND JUSTICE

It is difficult to say with certainty what was the social organization of the wandering tribes which, one after the other, found their way into the Mexican valley, but from indications we may gather that there were two centres of authority. No doubt the principal of these was religious; most of the tribes are mentioned as being under the guidance of their god, and it may be inferred that the priest possessed tremendous influence in directing the tribal policy. If the priest were a fighting-man also, he probably became the sole leader, and it is not unlikely that this was often the case. The fighting-priest was no rarity in Mexico, and in later times there was a special set of insignia for priests who distinguished themselves in battle. But normally, it may be concluded, the tribe was led in fight by the best and most experienced warrior, whose authority was probably exercised only during military operations. As amongst practically all nomadic peoples, the heads of families probably constituted a tribal council. The Toltec, upon the ruins of whose civilization the ruder Nahua tribes established themselves, were admittedly a people of higher culture than the immigrants; and they were living a settled life under the rule of “kings” in whom the priestly aspect predominated. As has been seen above, the Toltec themselves contained an immigrant Nahua element, which presumably had imposed itself upon the prior inhabitants, but, when the later-comers arrived, material prosperity had diminished their warlike propensities, and they were known as a pre-eminently peaceful people. Probably two facts had combined to bring about this result, first that the valley was not at this early period so thickly populated as to render collision between the different cities inevitable; and second that war was not yet, as it was destined to become, the handmaid of religion. It would seem that the moral effect, upon each wave of rude invaders, of the more cultured, settled tribes whom they were destined to conquer, was enormous. Settlement, increased prosperity, expansion and conquest demanded some form of administration more elaborate than that which a general, a high-priest, and a council of elders could provide. The evolution of a complicated ritual based upon astronomical calculation provided the priesthood with too much work of a highly specialized character to leave it time to undertake temporal rule, especially as that rule now involved the superintendence of an elaborate military system. The result was that the general was replaced by a “king,” and, owing to the moral ascendancy which each earlier body of settlers exercised over its successors the first ruler selected either was himself a descendant of some previous ruling house, or received as consort a daughter of such and held his office in virtue of that alliance. So we find that when the Aztec were at Coatlichan, before Tenochtitlan was founded, they elected as leader (he does not seem to have been counted among the “kings”) Uitziliuitl, whose father was an Aztec of no particular rank, but whose mother was a daughter of the ruler of Tzompanco: while Acamapitzin, the first “king” of Tenochtitlan, was, by his mother, grandson of Coxcoxtli, ruler of Colhuacan, and might therefore lay claim to Toltec descent; also Quaquapitzauac, first king of Tlaltelolco, was son of the Tepanec ruler of Azcapotzalco. Moreover it was Toltec descent which really counted most, as may be seen in the fact that the Mexican “kings” were installed as the representatives of Quetzalcoatl. The importance of women as the channel by which rank was transmitted is obvious from the genealogy of the Mexican sovereigns. As a rule brother succeeded brother, and in any case it was only the sons of ladies of rank who were elected to the throne. Though, however, the priesthood thus became confined to the exercise of its own complicated profession, it never lost its influence upon temporal affairs. Naturally the degree to which that influence could be exercised depended to some extent upon the personal character of the king, but it was always a power behind the throne, and when the king himself had been trained as a priest, as was the case with the last Montecuzoma, it had few limits, as the history of the conquest shows. The association of the god Quetzalcoatl with the kingly office invested the ruler with a semi-divine character, and the subordination of war to religion gave the priesthood tremendous power in the direction of military policy. The power of the king, apart from his “divine right,” was based upon his offices as commander-in-chief and supreme judge, the military aspect of his position being emphasized by the fact that, from the time of Chimalpopoca, only those of the ruling family who had held the position of general were considered as candidates for the throne. In Michoacan however, though here too the king was the chief judge, it was the religious aspect of his office which predominated. The idol of the ruling class was in his especial care, and one of his most important functions was the, at least nominal, provision of sufficient fuel for the sacrificial fires. For the rest, he was supported by a hierarchy of military and religious officers similar to, but less elaborate than, that of the ruler of Mexico.

At the time of the Spanish conquest the Mexican rulers maintained an elaborate court ceremonial and their appointments were truly magnificent. Diaz describes how the lord of Tezcoco came to meet the Spaniards in a litter richly worked in green feathers, with many silver borderings and rich stones set in bosses of gold. Later, Montecuzoma arrived in a similar vehicle, and after alighting advanced supported by four high chiefs “beneath a marvellously rich canopy of green-coloured feathers with much gold and silver embroidery, and with pearls and chalchiuites suspended from a sort of bordering which was wonderful to look at.... He was shod with sandals ... the soles were of gold and the upper part adorned with precious stones.” Cloths were spread before him to tread upon, and all his suite kept their eyes lowered except the four who supported him, who were his nephews. In his palace, his antechamber was kept by a large body-guard, and even the most important chieftains, when they came to visit him, exchanged their rich mantles for garments of poor material and entered his presence barefoot. The magnificence of his service, state apartments and general entourage, his aviaries and collection of wild beasts, have often been described, and by none better than by Prescott, so that it is hardly necessary to enter into detail on this subject. Two quotations will suffice, both from eyewitnesses, one relating to the practice of smoking, the other to the dimensions of the palace. After his meal, which was served on Cholulan pottery, “there were also placed on the table three tubes, much painted and gilded, which held liquidambar mixed with certain herbs which they call tabaco; and when he had finished eating, after they had danced before him and sung and the tables were removed, he inhaled the smoke from one of these tubes, but he took very little of it, and with that he fell asleep.”

Of the palace, the “Anonymous Conqueror” writes, “Several times I entered the residence of the king, simply to see it; each time I walked about there until I was tired, nevertheless I have never seen the whole of it.” The various ornaments and ceremonial dresses of the king have been described at length by Seler, and consisted chiefly of mantles decorated with embroidery and feathers, feather back-devices, lip-plugs and necklaces of particular patterns, and the like, many of them being divine insignia or costumes adopted from other tribes by right of conquest. The list is too formidable to be included here, but two are worthy of mention. One ornament worn by royalty and high officials at festivals consisted of a band twined round the hair, to each end of which a large bunch of feathers was attached; this is shown in Fig. [17, a], where it is worn by the Tlacochcalcatl. Diaz mentions an ornament of particular interest in the words “Montecuzoma took from his arm and wrist the sign and seal of Uitzilopochtli, which was only done when he gave an important and weighty command which was to be carried out at once.” Unfortunately nothing more is known of this interesting bracelet. The most distinguishing sign of royalty was a diadem of turquoise mosaic, rising to a peak in the front, rather after the fashion of a mitre. This was known as the xiuhuitzolli, and a plainer pattern was worn by the highest rank of judges.

Fig. 17.—A. The Tlacochcalcatl in festival dress.