(Mendoza MS., Oxford)
When the Mexicans first adopted settled life, they were brought face to face with a question which they had not before been forced to consider, the land question. In the city itself land was extremely restricted, and the growing importance of agriculture led to an elaborate system of intensive cultivation of the territory around. Land was seized by right of conquest, and assigned by the conqueror to his followers. Thus we read of the Chichimec leader Xolotl giving cities to immigrant chiefs to whom he married his daughters, or whose support he wished to conciliate. In this way certain territories passed into the hands of certain great lords, who apportioned it amongst their dependents, and reclaimed it as they wished. But there was another class of landowner, probably having its origin in later times, consisting of men to whom the ruler made grants of land in return for eminent services, especially in war; such land was neither alienable nor hereditary, but lapsed to the crown at the death of the holder. Of great interest was the land held in common by the local clans, called calpulli, composed of the descendants of the different families of the invaders, and of the tribes who attached themselves to the latter in early days. The calpulli, which were twenty in number, were the offshoots of the four original tribal divisions, each of which formed a “ward” of the city at its foundation. These wards, named Moyotlan, Teopan, Aztacalco and Cuepopan, survived as administrative divisions in later times, though their functions as holders of land in common were taken over by their sub-divisions, the calpulli. They were even maintained in Spanish times, becoming transformed into the “barrios” respectively of San Juan, San Pablo, San Sebastian and Santa Maria la Redonda. Land belonging to a calpulli was inalienable, though under certain circumstances it could be let to another calpulli; it was vested in the calpulli-chiefs, whose office was nominally elective, but who in fact were usually chosen from one family. Members of a calpulli obtained land sufficient for their needs from their chief, and held it as long as they continued to keep it under cultivation, failing which their tenure lapsed. Land so apportioned was in practice hereditary, but only on these terms, and the man who changed his residence lost his holding. The clan-chiefs possessed considerable power, since they represented the calpulli in all external business, being in fact the descendants of the heads of families who formed the old tribal council, and regulated the inner life of the clan. A land system somewhat similar to that of the Mexican calpulli existed among the Mixtec in so far as land appears to have been hereditary in families but could not pass outside the local group. Below the members of the calpulli ranked certain freemen who farmed the lands of the lords on payment of a rental (in kind), and, finally, a class of serfs who were bound to the soil and probably represented the remnants of the early agricultural population. The Mexican social system therefore comprised a landed aristocracy who paid no definite taxes, but owed service to the king; associated with them was a military nobility who held lands at the king’s goodwill, and whose tenants paid royal taxes. Lower in rank were the calpulli freemen, who paid taxes in common; still lower, the tax-paying rent-holders, and finally the serfs, who paid taxes only to their feudal lords. In addition to these there was the official class, their sons and descendants, who, ranking as warriors and noble, paid no definite taxes, but contributed their personal services and formed the suite of the ruler. The office-holders were known by the generic name of Tecutli, and the positions which they occupied were essentially military in origin; four of them were placed as overseers of the four districts into which the city was divided for administrative purposes, and acted as representatives of the Tlacatecutli, or ruler. Besides these there were the judicial officials, treasurers, and a whole host of overseers, of whom the lowest in rank, as in Peru, exercised supervision over a few families only. The travelling merchants constituted a peculiar and privileged class, and will be considered later when the subject of trade is discussed. The expansion of the power of Mexico brought many other cities under its influence, and these were obliged to furnish tribute in kind, and were also liable to military service. In important cities a governor, Petlacalcatl, was placed, with a tax-gatherer, Calpixque, under him; in less important districts a governor or a Calpixque resided in the principal city, and the tribute was collected in the surrounding towns by subordinate officials. Apart from a general supervision there was very little interference with the tributary cities; the original rulers were rarely displaced, but continued to govern according to the local laws, and, with the exception that certain lands were often reserved for the use of the Mexican crown, the property of the conquered was respected. The rather loose nature of the suzerainty exercised by Mexico over its dependents made revolt a frequent occurrence, but this was hardly regarded as a drawback, owing to the ceremonial nature of war and its function in providing victims for sacrifice. Tribute was generally paid by a town or district in common, and consisted of local produce and manufactures (Fig. [18]). Produce-tribute, which was generally levied at harvest-time, was furnished by the common lands, and stored in magazines in the principal cities. Maize and other grain was contributed in large chests (Fig. [18, l]), and cotton (r), cacao (a) and pepper in bales. Of manufactured articles, textiles (s) and ceremonial costumes (m) were the most common, but the tribute-lists show a great variety. Many of the town-names in these lists cannot now be located, but their geographical position can be roughly assumed from the nature of their contributions. From Soconusco came lip-plugs, cacao, feathers and hides, from Oaxaca province, gold and cochineal (Fig. [18, h]), from the Tlalhuica, paper and pottery. Other forms of tribute were honey (q), lime, wood, salt (g), copal (o), sea-shells (e), amber (f), rubber, live eagles, copper axes, chalchiuitl beads (c), turquoise (d), swords, shields (p), and canes filled with perfumes for smoking. Tax-gatherers were received with great ceremony and respect, and the arrival of these officers at the town of Quiauiztlan, in Vera Cruz, is described by Diaz. A special apartment decked with flowers was prepared for them, together with food and chocolate; they arrived dressed in richly embroidered cloaks and loin-cloths, their hair bound up on their heads, each carrying a crooked staff and a bouquet of flowers which he smelled from time to time. The Totonac it is true complained to the Spaniards of the harshness of Mexican rule, probably referring rather to the Aztec demands for sacrificial victims. Tribute on the whole seems to have been fairly assessed, and was remitted in years of famine.
While the first step in the evolution of the Mexican constitution is marked by the election of Acamapitzin as king, in place of the old tribal council under a president, yet it was the overthrow of Azcapotzalco which gave the hegemony of the valley to Mexico, and compelled it to provide for the administration of dependent cities. A number of officials bearing titles similar to those at home were sent to Coyoacan, and definite arrangements were made with the allied states of Texcoco and Tlacopan in accordance with which the rulers of these cities became, at least nominally, electors of the Mexican kings, and placed the direction of their military policy in the hands of the latter. It was only in military matters that the two confederate states deferred to Mexico; they had their own sovereigns, their own laws and provinces, and we are told that Tezcoco exercised dominion over no less than fifteen of the last-named in the direction of the Atlantic coast. Each ruler confirmed the election of their sub-chiefs, and they of their dependents. Of the booty won by the united armies, two-fifths was taken by Mexico, two-fifths by Tezcoco, and one-fifth by the small state of Tlacopan.
The final stage in the development of the Mexican constitution was marked by the conquest of Tlaltelolco by Axayacatl, and the appointment of a governor for this suburb in place of an independent sovereign. The military basis of Mexican hegemony coloured the whole of its domestic economy, and resulted in the formation and rise of a military aristocracy in the hands of which lay practically all the executive offices in the city.
As commander-in-chief the king was of course the head of the fighting-men, and in some cases actually took the field himself, immediately after his installation, for instance, in order to procure the necessary sacrificial victims. He was supported by two principal officers, the Tlacatecatl and Tlacochcalcatl (Fig. [17, a]; p. 113), of whom the latter was a purely military functionary, while the former exercised certain administrative functions also. The same titles were borne by the chief subordinates of each of these respectively. A propitious date was awaited for the proclamation of a campaign, the day 1. itzcuintli being considered especially favourable; the hostile country was explored by spies, called Tequihua, who brought back to the king various maps and other documents containing information likely to prove of use during the operations. War was formally declared by sending weapons, down and chalk, the insignia of sacrifice, to the enemy, and the expedition set forth, on a lucky day such as 1. coatl, in a prescribed order. First marched the priests with the idols of the gods, next the Mexican veterans, followed by the less experienced; following them came the forces of Tezcoco and Tlacopan, and finally the fighting-men of allied provinces. When the forces were drawn up, new fire was made by the priests, and the attack commenced. The actual combat does not seem to have been attended by great slaughter, since the chief object of each individual fighter was not to kill his foe, but to make him prisoner. The first captives were immediately handed over to the priests and sacrificed on the spot, while those taken subsequently were carried back to the city. The ceremonial nature of war is clearly shown in the fact that rewards were conferred upon those who succeeded in capturing prisoners, in proportion to the number of their captives, but no account was taken of those who merely slew their opponents. To this fact the Spanish conquerors owed a large measure of their success, since the foe were chiefly anxious to take them alive, and rather avoided inflicting mortal injuries than otherwise. Diaz comments upon the rapidity with which the Tlaxcalans removed their wounded from the scene of action, but without understanding that the reason was to prevent them from falling alive into the hands of the enemy. The Tarascan customs were similar; in time of war the priests offered herbs and tobacco at midnight, selecting a date when the position of the stars was favourable, and denounced by name the leaders of the opposing troops. The herbs, together with eagle-down and bloodstained arrows, were taken by spies and deposited within the enemy’s territory, a proceeding which was intended as a declaration of war, but also possessed the magical significance of devoting the foe to death. A Mexican army in the field was an extremely gallant sight; the leaders and most distinguished fighters were brilliant in ornaments of gold and the feathers of tropical birds and embroidered tunics. Military insignia existed in great variety, each individual wore every decoration to which he was entitled, and the regimental and tribal standards of elaborate feather-work made a brave show. The Mexican standards consisted of an eagle and a jaguar; that of Tlaxcala was a white heron with outspread wings, and the four Tlaxcalan provinces had each their own badges, Tepeticpac, a wolf with arrows; Ocotelolco, a green bird on a rock; Tizatlan, a heron on a rock; and Quiauiztlan, a green canopy. Standards were fastened securely to the backs of certain officers, and the capture of one of them, or the fall of a general, was invariably the signal for a retreat. Diaz describes the Tlaxcalan levies as “brilliant with great devices, each regiment by itself with its banners unfurled, and the white bird, like an eagle, with its wings outstretched, which is their badge.”
Children, as a preparation for military service, were entered in one of the schools called Telpochcalli, which were under the protection of Tezcatlipoca, and there underwent a rigorous training, in part religious, which was not, however, so severe as that of the Calmecac. On first entering they were charged with the duty of sweeping the building and attending to the fires, later of fetching wood and engaging in various constructional works. During this period they took their meals in their own houses, but returned to the Telpochcalli to sleep; their amusements consisted in attending the dances, in the building called Cuicacalco, which took place between sunset and midnight. The sons of the higher officials who intended to embrace the military profession received the superior education of the Calmecac, and accompanied experienced warriors to battle in the capacity of shield-bearers. As soon as the young man was of an age to go to war, the whole of his hopes centred upon the taking of a prisoner, so that the lock of hair which he wore at the back of his neck as a sign of his noviciate might be removed. If he performed the feat with the aid of several of his companions, all were permitted to wear a side-lock instead, but if single-handed he received at the hands of the king the privilege of wearing certain body-paint and embroidered mantles of particular designs. The capture of two, three, four or more prisoners was also rewarded with special insignia (Fig. [17, b]; p. 113), with promotion in rank, and the gift of privileges including the right to wear a lip-plug of a particular pattern and to sit on a particular seat. A distinction was made according to the nationality of the prisoners captured; one or more Huaxtec were of comparatively small account, but the taking of even a single warrior of Atlixco or Uexotzinco was regarded as a great feat and received a corresponding reward. Two “orders” existed, which were conferred upon the most prominent warriors, the “eagle” and the “ocelot”; those who obtained one of these coveted distinctions were allowed to wear dresses representing the animal from which their order took its name. Other dresses and back-devices, each conferring a definite status, existed in numbers, and constituted an important item in the tribute sent by the dependent cities. If after a few fights the would-be warrior had still failed to secure a prisoner, he was disgraced, and usually retired into private life rather than continue to wear the novice’s lock, but he was for ever debarred from wearing garments of cotton or ornamenting his clothes with embroidery. Proved warriors were permitted to wear their hair in a lock on one side which they brushed so as to stand upright, while those of higher rank wore the lock above the forehead encircled by an ornamental band (see Pl. [IX, 4 and 5]).
The distinguishing weapon of the Aztec was the bow, and it was no doubt the possession of this arm which contributed substantially to their success in their fights with the early population of the valley. Manuscripts relating the wanderings of the people before they reached their final home show the Aztec, skin-clad and armed with the bow, fighting with the valley-dweller clothed in cotton and armed with the macquauitl, or wooden sword edged with obsidian. The Chichimec were also wielders of the bow, as well as the Tarascans, but this weapon was especially associated with Uitzilopochtli, who was supposed to have given it to the Mexicans, saying “All that flies on high do the Mexicans know how to hit with the arrow.” The bow was plain and of no great dimensions; the arrows were headed with fish or mammal bone or with flint or obsidian, and, to judge from the manuscripts, each had two feathers attached with the flat sides against the shaft. The macquauitl, a broad-bladed club along the edges of which were set flakes of obsidian set in resin, was carried by the ordinary soldier, and, wielded by an expert, was capable of decapitating a horse at one blow; however, it soon lost its edge. The early Nahua and the valley-dwellers seem to have employed the atlatl, or spear-thrower, rather than the bow. This implement, which is found both in North and South America, consists of a staff armed at the point with a hook, which fits into the butt of the javelin; Mexican specimens are usually provided with two rings of shell or other material near the handle through which the fingers are passed (Pl. [XVII, 1]). This appliance gives length to the arm, and enables the javelin to be hurled with far greater force than by the hand alone. While Uitzilopochtli and Camaxtli are usually shown with the bow, most of the other gods appear with the atlatl, which is often richly ornamented with feathers. The javelins were pointed as the arrows, or the ends were simply hardened in the fire; some had two or more points, and were furnished with a cord like a harpoon by means of which they could be retrieved; these were especially feared by the Spaniards. The only mention of poison is found in Burgoa who states that the Mixtec applied it to their javelins. Spears were carried by those of higher rank, and were furnished with stone heads or set with obsidian after the fashion of a macquauitl. Long spears of this pattern, with a fathom of cutting edge, were used by the Zapotec. Slings were also employed, especially by the Matlatzinca, and though bows were found among the Olmec and Huaxtec, they must have been of quite late introduction. Diaz mentions “three blow-guns with their bags and pellet-moulds,” which he saw in the treasury of Axayacatl, the blow-guns themselves being incrusted with mosaic work, but these weapons were probably used only in hunting. Quilted cotton corslets, laced up the back and forming one with the breeches, were worn as defensive armour, and, according to one of the conquerors, could only be penetrated by a good arquebus. Nobles wore cuirasses of gold plates under their feather mantles. The Mexican bucklers were small and circular, usually made of wicker with a covering of feather-work (Fig. [18, p]; p. 118) and sometimes gold plates; tortoise carapaces were also used, and among the Zapotec larger shields covering the whole body. Helmets were of wood, with hide and feather ornaments, and often represented the head of some animal, jaguar or snake, the jaws of which framed the face of the warrior (as Fig. [18, m]). The defensive armour of the Mixtec was of hide. Clubs with heads of stone or wood were employed by the Tarascans. Defensive works were not very elaborate, though we read of palisades and walls; but the cities were usually built in some position which afforded natural protection. Thus Tenochtitlan and Xochimilco were situated on small islands in lakes, while the settlements of the Tlalhuica were amidst almost inaccessible barrancas. Of the various nationalities the Aztec were undoubtedly the most warlike, followed at no great distance by the peoples of Tlaxcala and Uexotzinco. Of the peoples of Oaxaca the Mixtec, though inferior to the Aztec, were superior to the Zapotec.
In connection with the military expansion of Mexico, mention must be made of the guild of travelling merchants, or Pochteca. The Pochteca were not peculiar to Tenochtitlan; similar guilds were found in Azcapotzalco, Uitzilopochco and Quauhtitlan, but those of Tlaltelolco were by far the most famous. Membership of the guild was a valued privilege, since the merchants stood high in the royal favour; only the sons of merchants could become merchants except by permission of the chiefs. Like the other calpulli, the Pochteca were under the direction of headmen, who represented the guild in external business, but they were privileged in so far as they were exempt from agricultural labour and from the ordinary judicial system, delinquents being judged by their own headmen. They worshipped special gods, chief of whom was the deity Yacatecutli, and joined in private ceremonies of a kind, as far as can be judged, far more elaborate than those of the other guilds. To some extent it is true that the importance of the guild grew with the expansion of Mexican power, but it would be almost equally true to say that Mexican power grew with the extension of the merchants’ sphere of operations. They acted in fact as the pioneers of Mexican political influence, they penetrated fearlessly into hostile countries either openly and armed, or disguised, and for this purpose learned the speech of foreign nations. They acted as spies of the king, and in one case a body of Pochteca of Tlaltelolco were besieged in a town in Anauac Ayotlan, or the district around Tehuantepec, and, after four years, succeeded unaided in reducing the province to submission. For this deed they received special privileges and insignia from the king Auitzotl, including the right to wear lip-plugs of gold, while their captains bore military titles. At the time of the Spanish conquest these merchants made extended journeys far into Chiapas and Tabasco, and penetrated even to Guatemala. The gradual extension of their sphere of operations can be seen in the wares which they imported from time to time, and as this has a bearing upon Mexican history it is worth mention. In the reign of Quaquapitzauac, first king of Tlaltelolco, the imports were brilliant feathers from the low countries; under his successor, quetzal-feathers, turquoise, chalchiuitl and cotton textiles were added; in the next reign, lip-plugs of precious stones, gold, skins, and a greater variety of feathers were introduced; and under Moquiuix, the last king, cacao became an article of merchandise. This information is from Sahagun, who, in a later passage, states that precious stones were collected especially in southern Vera Cruz and Tabasco, and quetzal-plumes from the region around the present San Cristobal in Chiapas.
The Pochteca were careful to set out on their expeditions on a favourable day, such as 1. coatl, and before starting they made offerings to their god and the Earth; they also cut their hair and washed their heads, since custom forbade them to do either while on a journey. Their relations were also obliged to remain with head and face unwashed, except at intervals of eighty days, during their absence. They started out in a large body, merchants from various towns combining to form a caravan, as far as Tochtepec. There they divided, some going to Anauac Ayotlan, others to Anauac Xicalanco (southern Vera Cruz and Tabasco). When they returned, often after years of absence, they awaited a favourable day to enter their city, such as 1. calli, or 7. calli, when their home-coming was celebrated by a banquet and various religious ceremonies. Each merchant carried a staff, which was regarded as the image of the god Yacatecutli, and received offerings in his name. When on the march, the company of merchants at night tied their staves together, and offered incense before them, at the same time making blood-offerings from their ears and tongues.
The extraordinary facility with which nomadic hunting tribes adopt a trading profession has many parallels in Africa, where the interests of the wandering merchant are similarly guarded. Just as violence against one of the Pochteca inevitably resulted in a punitive expedition, so in times past the murder of a Bushongo trader by a Basongo Meno village would result in the extermination of the latter, and, at the present day, the death of a Badjok merchant would be similarly avenged by his compatriots. Mexican trade was for the most part carried on by means of direct exchange, and the result provides many difficulties to the archæologist. Once a town became famous for any kind of manufacture, the work of its artisans became spread far and wide, so that the discovery of objects of a particular style in a certain locality can by no means be taken necessarily to indicate that that style is characteristic of the site. Even pottery, which provides such valuable evidence in other parts, is not exempt from suspicion, since the ware of Cholula constituted an important article of export from that town. Certain articles formed a rough-and-ready currency in commerce, such as textiles and maize; cacao beans also were used as a kind of “small change,” and copper axe-blades were employed in certain localities, such as Oaxaca. More than one of the contemporary historians mention quills containing gold-dust as being utilized for the same purpose. The great market in Tlaltelolco moved the wonder of the conquerors; it is described as being three times as large as that of Salamanca, and one estimate places the daily attendance at twenty or twenty-five thousand persons. One of the conquerors gives the following picture of it. “On one side are the people who sell gold; near them are they who trade in jewels mounted in gold in the forms of birds and animals. On another side beads and mirrors are sold, on another, feathers and plumes of all colours for working designs on garments, and to wear in war or at festivals. Further on, stone is worked to make razors and swords, a remarkable thing which passes our understanding; of it they manufacture swords and roundels. In other places they sell cloth and men’s dresses of different designs; beyond, dresses for women, and in another part footgear. A section is reserved for the sale of prepared hides of deer and other animals; elsewhere are baskets made of hair, such as all Indian women use. Cotton, grain which forms their food, bread of all kinds, pastry, fowls, and eggs are sold in different sections; and hard by they sell hares, rabbits, deer, quails, geese and ducks. Elsewhere wines of all sorts are for sale, vegetables, pepper, roots, medicinal plants, which are very numerous in this country, fruits of all kinds, wood for building, lime and stone. In fact, each object has its appointed place. Beside this great market-place there are in other quarters other markets also where provisions may be bought.” Special magistrates held courts in the market-places to settle disputes on the spot, and there were market officials similar to our inspectors of weights and measures. Falsification of the latter was visited with severe punishment.