- Andrew Spaarman, physician, botanist, and successor to Linnaeus, traveller on discovery in Africa for the king of Sweden.
- Rev. Isham Baggs, chaplain for two voyages to Africa in H.M. ship Grampus.
- Captain James Bowen, of the royal navy, one voyage to Africa.
- Mr. William James, a master in the royal navy, three voyages, as mate of a slave-vessel.
- Mr. David Henderson, gunner of H.M. ship Centurion, three voyages to Africa.
- Harry Gandy, two voyages to Africa, as captain of a slave-vessel.
- Thomas Eldred, two voyages there, as mate.
- James Arnold, three voyages there, as surgeon and surgeon's mate.
- Thomas Deane, two voyages there, as captain of a wood and ivory ship.
LIST II.
- Major-General Rooke, commander of Goree, in Africa.
- Henry Hew Dalrymple, Esq., lieutenant of the 75th regiment at Goree, and afterwards in all the West Indian islands.
- Thomas Willson, Esq., naval commander at Goree.
- John Hills, Esq., captain of H.M. ship Zephyr, on the African station.
- Sir George Yonge, two voyages as lieutenant, and two as captain, of a ship of war, on the African station.
- Charles Berns Wadstrom, Esq., traveller on discovery in Africa for the King of Sweden.
- Rev. John Newton, five voyages to Africa in a slave-vessel, and resident eighteen months there.
- Captain John Ashley Hall, in the merchant service, two voyages in a slave-vessel as a mate.
- Alexander Falconbridge, four voyages in a slave-vessel as surgeon and surgeon's mate.
- Captain John Samuel Smith, of the royal navy, on the West India station.
LIST III.
- Anthony Pantaleo How, Esq., employed by government as a botanist in Africa.
- Sir Thomas Bolton Thompson, two voyages as a lieutenant, and two as commander of a ship of war on the African station.
- Lieutenant John Simpson, of the marines, two voyages in a ship of war on the African station.
- Lieutenant Richard Storey, of the royal navy, four years on the slave employ all over the coast.
- Mr. George Miller, gunner of H.M. ship Pegase, one voyage in a slave-ship.
- "Mr. James Morley, gunner of H.M. ship Medway, six voyages in a slave-ship.
- Mr. Henry Ellison, gunner of H.M. ship Resistance, eleven years in the Slave Trade.
- Mr. James Towne, carpenter of H.M. ship Syren, two voyages in a slave-ship.
- Mr. John Douglas, boatswain of H.M. ship Russell, one voyage in a slave-ship.
- Mr. Isaac Parker, shipkeeper of H.M. ship Melampus, two voyages in a slaveship.
- Thomas Trotter, Esq., M.D., one voyage as surgeon of a slave-ship.
- Mr. Isaac Wilson, one voyage as surgeon of a slave-ship.
- Mr. Ecroyde Claxton, one voyage as surgeon of a slave-ship.
- James Kiernan, Esq., resident four years on the banks of the Senegal.
- Mr. John Bowman, eleven years in the slave-employ as mate, and as a factor in the interior of Africa.
- Mr. William Dove, one voyage for slaves, and afterwards resident in America.
- Major-General Tottenham, two years resident in the West Indies.
- Captain Giles, 19th regiment, seven years quartered in the West Indies.
- Captain Cook, 89th regiment, two years quartered in the West Indies.
- Lieutenant Baker Davison, 79th regiment, twelve years quartered in the West Indies.
- Captain Hall, of the royal navy, five years on the West India station.
- Captain Thomas Lloyd, of the royal navy, one year on the West India station.
- Captain Alexander Scott, of the royal navy, one voyage to Africa and the West Indies.
- Mr. Ninian Jeffreys, a master in the royal navy, five years mate of a West Indiaman, and for two years afterwards in the islands in a ship-of-war.
- Rev. Thomas Gwynn Rees, chaplain of H.M. ship Princess Amelia, in the West Indies.
- Rev. Robert Boucher Nicholls, dean of Middleham, many years resident in the West Indies.
- Hercules Ross, Esq., twenty-one years a merchant in the West Indies.
- Mr. Thomas Clappeson, fifteen years in the West Indies as a wharfinger and pilot.
- Mr. Mark Cook, sixteen years in the West Indies, first in the planting business, and then as clerk and schoolmaster.
- Mr. Henry Coor, a millwright for fifteen years in the West Indies.
- Rev. Mr. Davies, resident fourteen years in the West Indies.
- Mr. William Duncan, four years in the West Indies, first as a clerk, and then as an overseer.
- Mr. William Fitzmaurice, fifteen years, first as a book-keeper, and then as an overseer, in the West Indies.
- Mr. Robert Forster, six years first in a store, then as second master and pilot of a ship-of-war in the West Indies.
- Mr. Robert Ross, twenty-four years, first as a book-keeper, then as an overseer, and afterwards as a planter, in the West Indies.
- Mr. John Terry, fourteen years an overseer or manager in the West Indies.
- Mr. Matthew Terry, twelve years resident, first as a book-keeper and overseer, then as a land-surveyor in the king's service, and afterwards as a colony surveyor, in the West Indies.
- George Woodward, Esq., an owner and mortgagee of property, and occasionally a resident in the West Indies.
- Mr. Joseph Woodward, three years resident in the West Indies.
- Henry Botham, Esq., a director of sugar-works both in the East and West Indies.
- Mr. John Giles, resident twelve years in the West Indies and America.
- J. Harrison, Esq., M.D., twenty-three years resident, in the medical line, in the West Indies and America.
- Robert Jackson, Esq., M.D., four years resident in the West Indies in the medical line, after which he joined his regiment, in the same profession, in America.
- Thomas Woolrich, Esq., twenty years a merchant in the West Indies, but in the interim was twice in America.
- Rev. James Stuart, two years in the West Indies, and twenty in America.
- George Baillie, Esq., one year in the West Indies, and twenty-five in America.
- William Beverley, Esq., eighteen years in America.
- John Clapham, Esq., twenty years in America.
- Robert Crew, Esq., a native of America, and long resident there.
- John Savage, Esq., forty-six years resident in America.
The evidence having been delivered on both sides, and then printed, it was judged expedient by Mr. Wilberforce, seeing that it filled three folio volumes, to abridge it. This abridgement was made by the different friends of the cause. William Burgh, Esq., of York; Thomas Babington, Esq., of Rothley Temple; the Rev. Thomas Gisborne, of Yoxall Lodge; Mr. Campbell Haliburton, of Edinburgh; George Harrison, with one or two others of the committee, and myself, were employed upon it. The greater share, however, of the labour, fell upon Dr. Dickson. That no misrepresentation of any person's testimony might be made, Matthew Montagu, Esq., and the Honourable E.J. Elliott, members of Parliament, undertook to compare the abridged manuscripts with the original text, and to strike out or correct whatever they thought to be erroneous, and to insert whatever they thought to have been omitted. The committee for the abolition, when the work was finished, printed it at their own expense, Mr. Wilberforce then presented it to the House of Commons, as a faithful abridgement of the whole evidence. Having been received as such, under the guarantee of Mr. Montague and Mr. Elliott, the committee sent it to every individual member of that House.
The book having been thus presented, and a day fixed for the final determination of the question, our feelings became almost insupportable; for we had the mortification to find, that our cause was going down in estimation, where it was then most important that it should have increased in favour. Our opponents had taken advantage of the long delay which the examination of evidence had occasioned, to prejudice the minds of many of the members of the House of Commons against us. The old arguments of emancipation, massacre, ruin, and indemnification, had been kept up; but, as the day of final decision approached, they had been increased. Such was our situation at this moment, when the current was turned still more powerfully against us by the peculiar circumstances of the times. It was, indeed, the misfortune of this great cause to be assailed by every weapon which could be turned against it. At this time, Thomas Paine had published his Rights of Man. This had been widely circulated. At this time, also, the French revolution had existed nearly two years. The people of England had seen, during this interval, a government as it were dissected. They had seen an old constitution taken down, and a new one put up, piece by piece, in its stead. The revolution, therefore, in conjunction with the book in question, had had the effect of producing dissatisfaction among thousands; and this dissatisfaction was growing, so as to alarm a great number of persons of property in the kingdom, as well as the government itself. Now will it be believed that our opponents had the injustice to lay hold of these circumstances, at this critical moment, to give a death-blow to the cause of the abolition? They represented the committee, though it had existed before the French revolution, or the Rights of Man were heard of, as a nest of Jacobins; and they held up the cause, sacred as it was, and though it had the support of the minister, as affording an opportunity of meeting for the purpose of overthrowing the state. Their cry succeeded. The very book of the abridgment of the evidence was considered by many members as poisonous as that of the Rights of Man. It was too profane for many of them to touch; and they who discarded it, discarded the cause also.
But these were not the only circumstances which were used as means, at this critical moment, to defeat us. News of the revolution, which had commenced in St. Domingo, in consequence of the disputes between the whites and the people of colour, had, long before this, arrived in England. The horrible scenes which accompanied it, had been frequently published as so many arguments against our cause. In January, new insurrections were announced as having happened in Martinique. The negroes there were described as armed, and the planters as having abandoned their estates for fear of massacre. Early in the month of March, insurrections in the smaller French islands were reported. Every effort was then made to represent these as the effects of the new principles of liberty, and of the cry for abolition. But what should happen, just at this moment, to increase the clamour against us? Nothing less than an insurrection in Dominica.—Yes!—An insurrection in a British island. This was the very event for our opponents. "All the predictions of the planters had now become verified. The horrible massacres were now realizing at home." To give this news still greater effect, a meeting of our opponents was held at the London Tavern. By a letter read there, it appeared that "the ruin of Dominica was now at hand." Resolutions were voted, and a memorial presented to government, "immediately to despatch such a military force to the different islands, as might preserve the whites from destruction, and keep the negroes in subjection during the present critical state of the slave bill." This alarm was kept up till the 7th of April, when another meeting took place, to receive the answer of government to the memorial. It was there resolved that, "as it was too late to send troops to the islands, the best way of preserving them would be to bring the question of the Slave Trade to an immediate issue; and that it was the duty of the government, if they regarded the safety of the islands, to oppose the abolition of it." Accounts of all these proceedings were inserted in the public papers. It is needless to say that they were injurious to our cause. Many looked upon the abolitionists as monsters. They became also terrified themselves. The idea with these was, that unless the discussion on this subject was terminated, all would be lost. Thus, under a combination of effects, arising from the publication of the Rights of Man, the rise and progress of the French revolution, and the insurrections of the negroes in the different islands, no one of which events had anything to do with the abolition of the Slave Trade, the current was turned against us; and in this unfavourable frame of mind many members of parliament went into the House, on the day fixed for the discussion, to discharge their duty with respect to this great question.
On the 18th of April, Mr. Wilberforce made his motion. He began by expressing a hope, that the present debate, instead of exciting asperity and confirming prejudice, would tend to produce a general conviction of the truth of what in fact was incontrovertible; that the abolition of the Slave Trade was indispensably required of them, not only by morality and religion, but by sound policy. He stated that he should argue the matter from evidence. He adverted to the character, situation, and means of information of his own witnesses; and having divided his subject into parts, the first of which related to the manner of reducing the natives of Africa to a state of slavery, he handled it in the following manner:—
He would begin, he said, with the first boundary of the trade. Captain Wilson and Captain Hills, of His Majesty's navy, and Mr. Dalrymple, of the land service, had concurred in stating, that in the country contiguous to the river Senegal, when slave-ships arrived there, armed parties were regularly sent out in the evening, who scoured the country, and brought in their prey. The wretched victims were to be seen in the morning bound back to back in the huts on shore, whence they were conveyed, tied hand and foot, to the slave-ships. The design of these ravages was obvious, because, when the Slave Trade was stopped, they ceased. Mr. Kiernan spoke of the constant depredations by the Moors to procure slaves. Mr. Wadstrom confirmed them. The latter gentleman showed also that they were excited by presents of brandy, gunpowder, and such other incentives; and that they were not only carried on by one community against another, but that the kings were stimulated to practise them in their territories, and on their own subjects: and in one instance a chieftain, who, when intoxicated, could not resist the demands of the slave merchants, had expressed, in a moment of reason, a due sense of his own crime, and had reproached his Christian seducers. Abundant also were the instances of private rapine. Individuals were kidnapped, whilst in their fields and gardens. There was an universal feeling of distrust and apprehension there. The natives never went any distance from home without arms; and when Captain Wilson asked them the reason of it, they pointed to a slave-ship then lying within sight.