Evaluating in general:
· Looking at this circus, it would be wrong to be only entertained. The proper point to see - the real upshot of Krugman’s books - is that the current government structure has little protection against this circus, the fads and fashions, the David Stockmans: and that this protection would be larger with a well selected Court. Note that the word ‘court’ has been chosen judicially: the job of this body is to make a judicious choice, a wise selection of all competing theories and approaches.
· It is useful to realise that the academia basically write for the journals, i.e. each other, and do not necessarily have the focus of analysing or predicting the national economy. Van Bergeijk c.s. (1997) point to these different focusses and the ‘dangers’ thereof. [25] The academic job also is to generate and test new ideas, not only the implementation of accepted theory.
· Another aspect of the distinction between the academia and practical policy advice is that only the first have the luxury of saying that they ‘don’t know it’. In policy advice this luxury basically lacks, and a decision has to be supported with the best information available. Much academic criticism on economic policy advice is overdone, since it does not take this condition into account.
· Also, economics has come far, and many economic models show similarities. So there is a body of ‘existing economics’ or ‘accepted theory’ and a rather firm scientific base. Let me indicate as such: the textbooks of Dornbusch & Fischer (1994), Mankiw (1992), Blanchard & Fischer (1989), Mueller (1989), research like Bruno & Sachs (1985), Layard, Nickell & Jackman (1991), Phelps (1994), and the practical work such as of the Dutch Central Planning Bureau (1990) (in which I participated) and Gelauff (1992). [26] [27] As Montesquieu for his Trias Politica referred to the existing example of England, we can point to Holland, where the Dutch Central Planning Bureau has earned itself a strong position, even to the extent that political parties have their programmes evaluated before elections. One can be severely critical of that CPB, precisely since it is no real Economic Supreme Court, but the current achievement is there, and is an argument for ‘promotion’.
If we regard the arguments for a court again, in the light of this evaluation of the record of economics itself, then:
· The issue is not quite the difference between unfinished science and finished science. Even if economics were to be like engineering with some finished science - like Keynes’s famous dentistry, where it would be easy to switch from one economist to another - then still there are always decisions to be made. How to interprete the data ? Is factor X now crucial or not ? Even if a science is finished, then its application to reality still is an art, and there are differences in the artists. One should realise that choices are made nowadays too, albeit hidden and not in the open, and with less scientific scrutiny as is advisable. Currently we have the President and Parliament deciding what will be the ‘information’ on which policy is based: and only too often they select that kind of presentation that suit their goals rather than the truth. The only suggestion here is to make procedures such that the result better serves democracy.
· It is important to see that we are dealing with a natural monopoly here. When the government has to establish its budget and thereby wants to rely on science, then there has to be an instance at which it is decided what the current state of science is. Even if one would ‘privatise’ forecasting, and have universities compete in bids for the contract, then there still is the decision which university to take for this year. By definition there is a monopolistic situation for that decision maker at that moment.You cannot compete that away. My analysis and advice is to embed that authority in the Constitution, and provide warrants that the critical decisions are taken in scientific manner.