1. Are we at war with Venezuela? Till reading the reports of what passed last night in the House of Commons, I should have replied to this question unhesitatingly in the negative. Most people whose attention has been directed to such matters must have supposed that we were engaged in the execution of "reprisals," the nature and legitimacy of which have long been recognised by international law. They consist, of course, in the exertion of pressure, short of war; over which they possess the following advantages: They are strictly limited in scope; they cease, when their object has been attained, without the formalities of a treaty of peace; and, no condition of "belligerency" existing between the Powers immediately concerned, third Powers are not called upon to undertake the onerous obligations of "neutrality." The objection sometimes made to reprisals, that they are applicable only to the weaker Powers, since a strong Power would at once treat them as acts of war, is indeed the strongest recommendation of this mode of obtaining redress. To localise hostile pressure as far as possible, and to give to it such a character as shall restrict its incidence to the peccant State, is surely in the interest of the general good. That the steps taken are such as would probably, between States not unequally matched, cause an outbreak of war cannot render them inequitable in cases where so incalculable an evil is unlikely to follow upon their employment.

2. The justification of a resort either to reprisals or to war, in any given case, depends, of course, upon the nature of the acts complained of, and upon the validity of the excuses put forward either for the acts themselves, or for failure to give satisfaction for them. The British claims against Venezuela seem to fall into three classes. It will hardly be disputed that acts of violence towards British subjects or vessels, committed under State authority, call for redress. Losses [015]by British subjects in the course of civil wars would come next, and would need more careful scrutiny (on this point the debates and votes of the Institut de Droit International, at its meeting at Neuchâtel in 1900, may be consulted with advantage). Last of all would come the claims of unpaid bondholders, as to which Mr. Balfour would seem to endorse, in principle, the statement made in 1880 by Lord Salisbury who, while observing that "it would be an extreme assertion to say that this country ought never to interfere on the part of bondholders who have been wronged," went on to say that "it would be hardly fair if any body of capitalists should have it in their power to pledge the people of this country to exertions of such an extensive character.... They would be getting the benefit of an English guarantee without paying the price of it."

3. Reprisals may be exercised in many ways; from such a high-handed act as the occupation of the Principalities by Russia in 1853, to such a mere seizure of two or three merchant vessels as occurred in the course of our controversy with Brazil in 1861. In modern practice, these measures imply a temporary sequestration, as opposed to confiscation or destruction, of the property taken. In the belief that reprisals only were being resorted to against Venezuela one was therefore glad to hear that the sinking of gunboats by the Germans had been explained as rendered necessary by their unseaworthiness.

4. Pacific reprisals should also, according to the tendency of modern opinion and practice, be so applied as not to interfere with the interests of third Powers and their subjects. This point has been especially discussed with reference to that species of reprisal known as a "pacific blockade," of which some mention has been made in the present controversy. The legitimacy of this operation, though dating only from 1827, if properly applied, is open to no question. Its earlier applications were, no doubt, unduly harsh, not only towards the peccant State, but also towards third States, [016]the ships of which were even confiscated for attempting to break a blockade of this nature. Two views on this subject are now entertained—viz. (1) that the ships of third Powers breaking a pacific blockade may be turned back with any needful exertion of force, and, if need be, temporarily detained; (2) that they may not be interfered with. The former view is apparently that of the German Government. It was certainly maintained by M. Perels, then as now the adviser to the German Admiralty, during the discussion of the subject by the Institut de Droit International at Heidelberg in 1887. The latter view is that which was adopted by the Institut on that occasion. It was maintained by Great Britain, with reference to the French blockade of Formosa in 1884; was acted on by the allied Powers in the blockade of the coast of Greece, instituted in 1886; and is apparently put forward by the United States at the present moment.

5. If, however, we are at war with Venezuela (as will, no doubt, be the case if we proclaim a belligerent blockade of the coast, and may at any moment occur, should Venezuela choose to treat our acts, even if intended only by way of reprisals, as acts of war), the situation is changed in two respects: (1) the hostilities which may be carried on by the allies are no longer localised, or otherwise limited, except by the dictates of humanity; (2) third States become ipso facto "neutrals," and, as such, subject to obligations to which up to that moment they had not been liable. Whatever may have previously been the case, it is thenceforth certain that their merchant vessels must respect the (now belligerent) blockade, and are liable to visit, search, seizure, and confiscation if they attempt to break it.

6. If hostile pressure, whether by way of reprisals or of war, is exercised by the combined forces of allies, the terms on which this is to be done must obviously be arranged by previous agreement. More especially would this be requisite where, as in the case of Great Britain and Germany, different [017]views are entertained with reference to the acts which are permissible under a "pacific blockade."

7. When, besides the Power, or Powers, putting pressure upon a given State, with a view to obtaining compensation for injuries received from it, other Powers, though taking no part in what is going on, give notice that they also have claims against the same offender; delicate questions may obviously arise between the creditors who have and those who have not taken active steps to make their claims effective. In the present instance, France is said to assert that she has acquired a sort of prior mortgage on the assets of Venezuela; and the United States, Spain, and Belgium declare themselves entitled to the benefit of the "most-favoured-nation clause" when those assets are made available for creditors. What principles are applicable to the solution of the novel questions suggested by these competing claims?

8. It is satisfactory to know, on the highest authority, that the "Monroe doctrine" is not intended to shield American States against the consequences of their wrongdoing; since the cordial approval of the doctrine which has just been expressed by our own Government can only be supposed to extend to it so far as it is reasonably defined and applied. Great Britain, for one, has no desire for an acre of new territory on the American continent. The United States, on the other hand, will doubtless readily recognise that, if international wrongs are to be redressed upon that continent, aggrieved European Powers may occasionally be obliged to resort to stronger measures than a mere embargo on shipping, or the blockade (whether "pacific" or "belligerent") of a line of coast.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

T. E. HOLLAND