Neutral Hospitality
The Hague Convention of 1907, No. xiii., not yet ratified by Great Britain, suggests in Art. 12, with reference to the question here raised, [144]that "à défaut d'autres dispositions spéciales de la législation de la Puissance neutre, il est interdit aux navires de guerre des belligérants de demeurer dans les ports et rades ou dans les eaux territoriales de la dite Puissance pendant plus de 24 heures sauf dans les cas prévues par la présente Convention."
BELLIGERENT FLEETS IN NEUTRAL WATERS
Sir,—A novel question as to belligerent responsibilities would be suggested for solution if, as seems to be reported in Paris, Admiral Rozhdestvensky over-stayed his welcome in the waters of Madagascar, although ordered to leave them by his own Government in compliance with "pressing representations" on the part of the Government of France.
A much larger question is, however, involved in the discussion which has arisen as to the alleged neglect by France to prevent the use of her Cochin-Chinese waters by the Russians as a base of operations against Japan. We are as yet in the dark as to what is actually occurring in those waters, and are, perhaps, for that very reason in a better position for endeavouring to ascertain what are the obligations imposed on a neutral in such a case by international law.
It is admitted on all hands that a neutral Power is bound not to permit the "asylum" which she may grant to ships of war to be so abused as to render her waters a "base of operations" for the belligerent to which those ships belong. Beyond this, international law speaks at present with an uncertain voice, leaving to each Power to resort to such measures in detail as may be necessary to ensure the due performance of a duty which, as expressed in general terms, is universally recognised.
The rule enforced since 1862 by Great Britain for this purpose limits the stay of a belligerent warship, under ordinary circumstances, to a period of twenty-four hours; and the same provision will be found in the neutrality proclamations issued last year by, e.g. the United States, Egypt, China, Denmark, Sweden and Norway. So by[145] Japan and Russia in 1898. This rule, convenient and reasonable as it is, is not yet a rule of international law; as Lord Percy has had occasion to point out, in replying to a question addressed to him in the House of Commons. The proclamations of most of the Continental Powers do not commit their respective Governments to any period of time, and the material clauses of the French circular, to which most attention will be directed at the present time, merely provide as follows:—
"(1) En aucun cas, un belligérant ne peut faire usage d'un port Français, ou appartenant à un État protégé, dans un but de guerre, &c. (2) La durée du séjour dans nos ports de belligérants, non accompagnés d'une prise, n'a été limitée par aucune disposition spéciale; mais pour être autorisés à y séjourner, ils sont tenus de se conformer aux conditions ordinaires de la neutralité, qui peuvent se résumer ainsi qu'il suit:—(a) ... (b) Les dits navires ne peuvent, à l'aide de ressources puisées à terre, augmenter leur matériel de guerre, renforcer leurs équipages, ni faire des enrôlements volontaires, même parmi leurs nationaux. (c) Ils doivent s'abstenir de toute enquête sur les forces, l'emplacement ou les ressources de leurs ennemis, ne pas appareiller brusquement pour poursuivre ceux qui leur seraient signalés; en un mot, s'abstenir de faire du lieu de leur résidence la base d'une opération quelconque contre l'ennemi. (3) Il ne peut être fourni à un belligérant que les vivres, denrées, et moyens de réparations nécessaires à la subsistence de son équipage ou à la sécurité de sa navigation."
Under the twenty-four hours rule, the duty of the neutral Government is clear. Under the French rules, all must evidently turn upon the wisdom and bonne volonté of the officials on the spot, and of the home Government, so far as it is in touch with them. We have no reason to suppose that the qualities in question will not characterise the conduct of the French at the present moment. There can, however, be no doubt that a better definition of the mode in which a neutral Power should prevent abusive use of the asylum afforded by its ports and waters is urgently required. The point is one which must prominently engage the attention of the special conference upon the rights and duties of neutrals, for which a wish was expressed by The[146] Hague Conference of 1899, and, more recently, by President Roosevelt.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,