Thirty Years' View (Vol. 1 of 2) / or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850

by Thomas Hart Benton

the Senate should consider well before they proceed further, [407];
the right of the President to dismiss his secretaries, [407];
two other impeachments going on at the same time, [407];
the President on trial for a high crime, [407];
for a misdemeanor, [408];
the Secretary of the Treasury on trial, [408];
the charge of being the instrument of the President, [408];
people called upon to rise and drive the Goths from the capitol, [409];
the bank was not the Treasury of the United States, [409];
fourteenth article of the bank charter, [409];
the legal existence of the Treasury brought out by the debates," [410].
Union of Clay and Calhoun against Jackson, [411];
speech of Calhoun, [411];
gives Clay assurance of aid, [411];
the robbery of the Treasury, [411];
the revolution not to go backwards, [412];
entirely owing to the military nod nullifying attitude of South Carolina that the compromise was passed, [412];
a political coalition to act against Gen. Jackson, [412];
opposition to the "usurpations" of the President, [413];
contempt and scorn at the Secretary's reasons for removing the deposits, [413];
the removal of Secretary Dunne an abuse of power, [413];
Calhoun's independence of the bank, [414];
Clay disclaims all connection with the bank, [414];
the list of Congressional borrowers or retainers large, [415].
Message to Congress in 1834, [477];
relations with France, [477];
the indemnity stipulated in the treaty has not been paid, [477];
extracts, [477];
question of waiting on the action of France, or of action on our part, referred to Congress, [478];
United States should insist on a prompt execution, [478];
consequences considered, [478];
collision with France to be regretted on account of her position with regard to liberal institutions, [478];
condition of the finances, [479];
freedom from public debt, [479];
seizure of the dividends due the United States on stock, by the bank, [479];
other proceedings of the bank, [480];
criminality of the bank in making the distress, [480];
bank losses commenced at this period, [480];
selling the stock in the bank, [480];
law relative to public deposits, [480];
increase of the gold currency, [481];
reform in the Presidential election, [481].
Meeting of twenty-fourth Congress, [568];
choice of Speaker, [569];
message of the President, [589];
"relations with France, [569];
origin of our claims against France, [569];
extent of the injuries we received, [569];
an affair of uninterrupted negotiation for twenty years, except a short time when France was overwhelmed by the military power of United Europe, [569];
subject brought up in the message of 1829, [570];
exceptions taken to the message by the French Government, [570];
the justice of the claims recognized and the amount stipulated in the treaty of 1831, [570];
its ratification, [570];
delays of the French Government in their action upon the subject of its fulfilment heretofore stated, [570];
expectations founded on the promises of the French Government not realized, [571];
consultation with Congress relative to measures for reprisal, [571];
regarded as an insult by the French Government, [571];
recall of their Minister and suspension of all diplomatic intercourse, [571];
having vindicated the dignity of France, they next proceeded to illustrate her justice, [571];
bill passed in the Chamber of Deputies to make the appropriations necessary to carry into effect the treaty, [571];
a stipulation that the money should not be paid until it was ascertained that no steps had been authorized by Congress of a hostile character towards France, [571];
this point ascertained, [572];
subsequently the bill amended to require a satisfactory explanation of the President's message," [572];
the apology repulsed by the President as a stain on the national character, [572];
injurious effects of the loss of the fortification bill in the previous Congress, [572];
the humane policy which governed the United States in the removal of the Indians, [573];
the revival of the gold currency and its influence on the industry of the country, [573];
increase of specie in the country, [573];
the transportation of the mails by railroad and the extortion of the companies, [574];
the transmission by mail into the slave States of incendiary publications tending to excite servile insurrection, [574];
reform in the mode of electing the two first officers of the Republic, [575].
Foreign Diplomacy.—Most alarm felt from this part of his administration by the opponents of his election, [601];
no part more successful, beneficial, and honorable, [601].
The British West India trade recovered, [602].
The French Indemnity treaty, [602];
efforts previously for redress, [602];
the message, [602];
Rives sent as Minister, [602];
the treaty, [602];
further proceedings, [603].
The Danish treaty of indemnity for spoliations on American commerce, [603];
consisted of illegal seizures and confiscations of American vessels in Danish ports during the time of the British orders in Council and the French decrees, [603];
negotiations of J. Q. Adams' administration, [603];
subsequent success of the negotiations, [603].
Neapolitan indemnity treaty for spoliations on American commerce, [603];
previous efforts to obtain indemnity, [603];
cause of delay, [604];
embarrassments, [604];
success, [604].
Spanish indemnity treaty for causes of complaint since 1819, [604];
Spanish blockades of ports of South American colonies, [604];
state of negotiations, [604];
success, [605].
Russian commercial treaty, none before negotiated, [605];
many previous efforts, [605];
every thing else granted but a commercial treaty, [605];
final success of negotiations, [606].
Portuguese indemnity for seizures during the blockade of Terceira, [606];
treaty made, [606];
inability of Portugal to pay, [606];
time extended and payment made, [606].
Treaty with the Ottoman Empire made in 1831, [606];
first treaty with that power, [606];
still further treaty in relation to our commerce needed, [607];
stipulations, [607];
success, [607].
Renewal of the treaty with Morocco, [608].
Treaty with Siam, [608].
Treaty with Sultan of Muscat, [608].
Last message, [684];
recapitulation of the auspicious state of things at home and abroad, [684];
the deposit act, [684];
the distribution scheme, [685];
effects, [685];
issuance of the Treasury circular, [685];
attack upon the circular in Congress, [686];
Seminole hostilities in Florida, [686];
the stock in the Bank of the United States, [687];
the delay of appropriations, [688];
mail contracts with railroads, [688];
supervision over the Indian tribes, [689];
the mode of the Presidential election, [689].
Farewell address of President Jackson, [732];
on disunion, [732];
his apprehensions, [733].
Conclusion of his administration, [733];
remarks and reflections, [733], [734];
appearance at the inauguration of Van Buren, [735];
his reception, [735];
his retirement, [735];
his decease, [736];
his first appearance to the writer, [736];
first interview, [736];
intercourse, [736];
Mrs. Jackson, [737], [739];
his character, [737], [738];
elected Major-General in Tennessee, [738];
nephews, [739].
Jackson and Calhoun, rupture between.—
Pamphlet of Mr. Calhoun relative to, [167];
its title, [167];
its contents, [167];
the case as it was made out in the pamphlet an intrigue on the part of Van Buren to supplant a rival, [168];
this case confronted by Jackson, [168];
his previous opinion of Calhoun, [168];
the reply of Jackson never published heretofore, [168];
how it came into the possession of Benton, [168];
letter of Kendall, [168];
contents of Jackson's exposition, [168];
justification of himself under the law of nations and the treaty with Spain for taking military possession of Florida, [168];
do. under the orders of Monroe and Calhoun as Secretary of War, [168];
a statement of Mr. Calhoun's conduct towards him in all that affair of the Seminole War, &c., [169];
"introduction, [169];
extracts from orders, [169];
letter of Calhoun, [169];
Jackson's letter to Monroe, [169];
manner of the reception the letter, [170];
reply by John Rhea, [170];
circumstances under which Jackson entered Florida, [170];
conduct of the Spanish authorities, [171];
the impressions under which Jackson acted, [171];
his dispatch to the Secretary of War, [172];
acted within the letter and spirit of orders, and in accordance with the secret understanding of the Government, in taking possession of St. Marks and Pensacola, [172];
letters to the Secretary of War, [172];
no replies of disapprobation, [172];
statements of a Georgia journal, [173];
no reason to doubt Mr. Calhoun's approval, [173];
further evidence, [173];
letter of Col. A. P. Hayne, [173];
his impressions derived from Mr. Calhoun, [174];
informed that Calhoun was the instigator of the attacks upon him, [174];
and that Crawford was unjustly blamed, [174];
statement of Mr. Cobb, [174];
inquiries of Col. Hamilton of Mr. Calhoun, [174];
private letter of Gen. Jackson to Mr. Calhoun, [174];
Calhoun's reply, [175];
recapitulation, [175];
how the suspicions of Gen. Jackson were wakened against Mr. Calhoun, [175];
statement of Mr. T. Ringold, [175];
the statement of Mr. Crawford obtained, [175];
inquiry relative to its correctness, of Calhoun, [175];
his reply, [175];
note, [175];
united testimony of the Cabinet, [176];
toast of Calhoun by Gen. Jackson, [177];
the report on the resolutions of censure in the House, [177];
its bitterness due to Mr. Calhoun, [177];
proceedings of Mr. Leacock, [177];
Calhoun's secret communications to him, [178];
report of Mr. Leacock, [178];
a darker shade added, [178];
success of Calhoun's management thus far, [179];
the mask worn by Mr. Calhoun, [179];
further statements," 180;
calamitous events followed this rupture, [180];
Crawford's words relative to the production of the private letter of Jackson to Monroe in the Cabinet meeting, [180].
Jackson, attempted assassination of.—
The President and Cabinet attend the funeral of William E. Davis, [521];
circumstances of the attempt to shoot the President, [521];
the assailant knocked down and secured, [521];
the prisoner, [521];
the pistols, [521];
prisoner examined by physicians relative to the soundness of his mind, [522];
report of physicians, [522];
diseased mind acted upon by a general outcry against a public man, [523];
not tried, but treated as insane, [524].
Jackson, President, Senatorial Condemnation of.—
Clay and Calhoun the leading spirits in this measure, [423];
the resolution passed, [423];
irrelevance of the resolution to any right or duty of the Senate, [423];
its effect, [423];
composure of President Jackson, [424];
course of his friends, [424];
mischief of the distress, [424];
the Protest of the President, [425];
its contents, [425];
extracts, [425];
"it wants both the form and substance of a legislative measure, [425];
the whole phraseology judicial, [425];
its charges, [425];
in substance an impeachment of the President, [425];
this impeachment originated in the Senate without the aid or concurrence of the House, [426];
Senators from three States voted contrary to the sense of their legislatures, [426];
words of the Protest, [427];
an appeal to his private history for the patriotism and integrity of his life," [427];
the excitement which ensued upon its reading in the Senate, [427].
Notice of the Expunging resolution given, [428];
remarks, [428];
"instance of the House of Commons, [428];
the question brought before the American people, [428];
motion to reject the President's message, is the question, [429];
the charges of the resolution, [429];
speeches in support of the resolution, [430];
three characters in which the Senate can act, [430];
one of the most difficult and delicate tasks in the convention was to select a court for the trial of impeachments, [430];
it is an object not more to be desired, than difficult to be obtained, [431];
further remarks, [431];
the Star Chamber Court, [432];
what occasion has the Senate, sitting as a court of impeachment, for the power of execution," [432];
motion carried, [432];
reasons for the Senate's refusal, [433].
Jefferson, Thomas, rejects the treaty of 1807, [1];
his idea of a commercial communication with Asia, [14];
his interview with the traveller Ledyard, [14];
seeks discovery of the Columbia river, [14];
projects the expedition of Lewis and Clarke, [14];
views on the cession of Texas, [16];
letter to Dr. Breckenridge, [16];
as a statesman, [28];
remarks on future French affairs, [31];
remarks on the road from Georgia to New Orleans, [43];
decease of, [87];
character, [87], [88];
his connection with the doctrine of nullification, [148].
Jesup, Gen., second to Mr. Clay in the duel with Randolph, [70];
his statement, [70].
Johnny, the servant of Randolph, anxiety for his master at the duel between Randolph and Clay, [75].
Johnson, Charles, on reference of the Bank memorial to a select committee, [235].
Johnson, Henry, Senator from Louisiana, [7];
governor, [7].
Johnson, Richard M., Senator from Kentucky, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
Judge of Supreme Court, [8].
On committee of bank investigation, [241];
reports on imprisonment for debt, [292].
Joint Committee of both Houses on the admission of Missouri, [9].
Jones, Francis, Representative from Tennessee, [7].
K
Kendall, Amos, letter to Calhoun, [168];
Postmaster General, [181].
King, Rufus, Senator from New York, [7];
appointed Minister
to England, [57];
long service in the Government, [57];
his manners, [57];
dress, [57];
courtesy between him and Van Buren, [57];
his suggestions to Senator Benton, [58];
his statement of the sentiment of the revolutionary period, [58].
King, William R., Senator from Alabama, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
on the Expunging resolutions of Alabama, [525], [526], [527].
King, John P., on abolition petitions, [613], [617];
on the independence of Texas, [666].
Kremer, George, avowed author of an anonymous publication against Clay; [71].
L
Lafayette, his visit.—
An absence of forty years, [29];
manner of his reception, [29];
address of Speaker Clay, [30];
Lafayette in the presence of posterity, [30];
appropriation of money and land to Lafayette, [30];
the grants opposed [30];
reasons, [30];
advocated, [31];
his sacrifices, [31];
views of Jefferson, [31];
return of Lafayette to France, [31].
Lanman, James, the case of.—On the expiration of the Senatorial term of Lanman, the Legislature of Connecticut failing to elect, the governor appointed him, [56];
debate on the validity of the appointment, [56];
not a case in which a governor can fill a vacancy, the vacancy foreseen, not happened, [56];
precedents reported to the Senate, [56];
unsatisfactory, [56];
motion to admit, rejected, [56].
Lawrence, Richard, attempts to assassinate President Jackson, [521].
Leake, Walter, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Ledyard, John, attempts the discovery of the Columbia river, [14].
Letcher, Robert P., moves the compromise tariff bill, [309].
Lewis, of North Carolina, on the admission of Arkansas, [632].
Livingston, Edward, Secretary of State, [181].
Lloyd, Edward, Senator from Maryland, [7];
governor, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Logan, William, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Lowndes, William, Representative from South Carolina, [7];
weight of his opinions, [8];
on the committee to whom was referred the application of Missouri, [9];
decease, [18];
his character, [18].
Lowrie, Walter, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
M
Macaulay, his description of removals from office, [162].
Macon, Nathaniel, Senator from North Carolina, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
opposes the grants to Lafayette, [30];
his vote for Vice-President in 1824, [45];
answer relative to the authorship of the report on the Panama mission, [68].
Retirement of, [114];
his temperament, [114];
fixed the time for his retirement long before, [114];
his resignation, [114];
his death, [114];
his character, [114];
sketch of his life, [115];
enters the army, [115];
refuses to leave the camp for the legislative assembly of his native State, [115];
the battle of Guilford, [115];
Macon's civil life, [116];
his political principles, [116];
disregard of wealth, [117];
his friendships, [117];
his executor, [117];
codicil to his will, [117];
his charity, [118];
his dress, [118];
his disinterestedness, [118];
his simplicity, [118];
letter on the Military Academy, [182];
his character, [534].
Madison, James, yields in favor of the second bank, [3];
on the regulation of commerce, [156];
his veto of an internal improvement bill, [167];
his letter on slavery agitation, [609];
remarks, [623];
decease of—time of his death, [678];
remarks of Dr. Witherspoon, [678];
his talent, [677];
his writings, [679];
characteristics, [679].
McGuire, J. C., publishes a quarto volume of Madison's letters, [149].
Mangum, Willie P., on the branch Mints, [550].
Marcy, William L., for Van Buren as Minister to England, [216].
Marshall, John, Chief Justice, [7];

administers the oath of office to Jackson, [119];
decease of Chief Justice, [681];
his character, [681];
his speech in the case of Jonathan Robbins, [681].
McDuffie, George, moves amendment to the constitution, [37];
expresses the views of the South on the revised tariff, [100];
on revision of the tariff, [100];
on the Committee of Bank Investigation, [241].
McIntosh, William, Chief of Creek Indians, [58];
negotiates a treaty, [58].
McLane, Louis, Representative from Delaware, [7];
sent Minister to England, [127];
Secretary of the Treasury, [181].
McLean, John, Postmaster General, [7];
Postmaster-General, [58];
appointed Justice of the Supreme Court, [120].
McKinney, Thomas L., superintendent of the Indian factory system, [21].
Meigs, R. J., coadjutor with Clay on the Missouri question, [10].
Memorial of the Bank Directors to Congress relative to the removal of the public deposits, [379];
of the rejected Government Directors of the Bank to Congress, [389].
Mercer, Charles Fenton, Representative from Virginia, [7].
Message on the South Carolina proceedings, [303];
relative to the distribution of the proceeds of the sale of public lands, [365];
to twenty-third Congress, [369];
on the renomination of the Bank Directors, [386].
Metcalfe, Thomas, Representative from Kentucky, [7];
governor, [7].
Michigan, admission of. See Arkansas.
Military Academy.—
Numerous desertions in the army, [182];
difficulty to find a remedy for the evil, [182];
letter from Mr. Macon, [182];
not a government in the world so unfriendly to the rights of the people as ours since the establishment of the West Point Institution, [182];
officers rise from the ranks in all countries of Europe, [183];
returns to Parliament, [183];
how is it in our service? [183];
difficulty of obtaining a commission for a citizen in the regular regiments, [183];
case of Hermann Thorn, [183];
admitted to service in Austria, [183];
case of Kit Carson, [183];
rejected because he did not come through the West Point gate, [183];
this rule of appointment become the law of the land, [183];
popular opposition to the institution, [184];
it is said Washington was the founder of the institution, [184];
the institution of his day a very different affair, [184];
explained, [184];
all was right until 1812, [184];
extract from the act of 1812, [184];
the deception of the clause, [184];
other deceptions which follow, [185];
this establishment is mainly a school for the gratuitous education of those who have influence to get there, [184];
gratuitous instruction to the children of the living is a vicious principle, [185];
vital objections to the institution, [185];
a monopoly of the appointments how effected, [185];
the President and the academy are the real appointing power, and the Senate an office for the registration of appointments, [186];
act of 1812 rests its constitutionality on fictions, [186];
the title of the act fictitious, [186];
its title, [186];
our academy an imitation of European military schools, [186];
the remedy for these evils is to repeal the act of 1812, [186].
Attempted Inquiry into.—
Organized under the act of 1812, [638];
movements against early commenced, [638];
committee appointed, [638];
report [638];
no attention given to it, [638];
other motions, [638];
debate, [639];
a monopoly for the gratuitous education of the sons of the
rich and influential, [639];
some rule should apply to the army as applies to members of Congress, [640];
further efforts to obtain an investigation, [640];
attack on the appropriation resorted to, [641];
remarks of Franklin Pierce, [641];
"grounds of opposition, [641];
why has this investigation been resisted? [641];
from the middling interest comes the most efficient support in trying periods, [642];
exclusiveness of the institution, [642];
the military academy not calculated to make the army effective, [642];
the institution in the times of Washington, &c., and the institution as it is now, [643];
gratuitous education in Great Britain examined, [644];
further remarks," [645].
A clause in the appropriation bill for the purchase of forty horses, &c., erection of a building, a riding house in bad weather, [712];
struck out, [712];
opposition to its restoration, [712], [713];
further debate, [714].
Missouri, admission of.—
Exciting question of session of Congress of 1820-'21, [8];
the state admitted without restriction, [8];
the compromise, [8];
work of the South, [8];
unanimity of the President's cabinet, [8];
unanimity of the Senate on the compromise, [8];
its constitutionality called in question, [8];
Senators voting for it, [8];
vote in the House, [8];
the increase of slave States avowed to be a question of political power between the two sections of the Union, [8];
provision in the Missouri Constitution forbidding Legislative interference, [8];
clause authorizing the prohibition of the emigration of free people of color, [9];
its treatment by Congress, [9];
the real point of objection, [9];
application for admission presented and referred, [9];
report of committee, [9];
resolution rejected, [9];
its fate in the Senate, [9];
House reject the resolution of the Senate, [9];
joint committee ordered and appointed in both Houses, [9];
report, [9];
adopted in the House, [9];
in the Senate, [10];
compliance of the General Assembly of Missouri, [10];
defeat of the attempt to restrict a State from having slaves if she chose, [10];
the real struggle, object of, [10];
the objectionable clause, how since regarded, [10];
excitement of the occasion, [10];
a federal movement, [10];
sentiments of the northern democracy, [10];
a movement for the balance of power, [10].
Missouri resolutions.—
Not now discussed, [360];
the old confederation was a league with a legislature acting on sovereignties, [361];
the Federalist on the defects of the old system, [361];
on the certain destruction of the Union when the sword is once drawn between the members, [361];
advantage of working if the laws operate on citizens and not on States, [361].
Missouri Question, extension of.—
Object to extend the boundary on the Missouri river, [626];
difficulties, [626];
threefold, [626];
a bill for the alteration of the compromise line and the extension of the boundary reported, [627];
passed both Houses, [627];
this was the answer which northern members gave to the imputed design of abolishing slavery, [627].
Mitchell, George E., on reference of the bank memorial, to a select committee, [284].
Monroe, James, negotiates the treaty of 1807, [1];
efforts for the declaration of war in 1812, [6]: President, [7];
letter showing the unanimity of his cabinet on the Missouri question, [8];
his letters to Jackson on the cession of Texas, [15];
ditto to Jefferson, [16];
cause of these letters, [17];
veto on internal improvement bill, [22];
veto of Cumberland road bill, [167];
decease of, his place in history, [679];
his character, [679];
genius, [679];
discretion, [679];
foundation of his political career, [680];
remark of Jefferson, [680];
his career, [680].
Monroe doctrine, [67].
Moore, Gabriel, anecdote respecting the rejection of Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215].
Morris, Thomas, on abolition petitions, [612].
N
New Mexico, internal trade with.—All foreign ingress cut off until 1821, [41];
intercourse between Missouri and the "Western Internal Provinces," [41];
a branch of interior commerce, [41];
a bill brought into the Senate to open road and to afford protection against the savages, [41];
statement of facts relative to the trade, [41];
precedents for the construction of a road, [42];
remarks of Mr. Jefferson on the road from Georgia to New Orleans, [43];
the foreign part of the road the point of difficulty, [43];
moved to strike out the extra territorial part of the national highway, [43];
views of Senators, [43], [44];
bill passed, [44];
road to New Mexico built under Adams' administration, [44].
Niles, John M., on the Independence of Texas, [668].
Noble, James, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Nullification—Event of its origin, [95];
the assumed right of a State to annul an act of Congress, [138];
new turn in the debate, [138];
allusions to the conduct of New England in 1812, [138];
meetings in South Carolina on the Tariff, [138];
resolves passed, [138];
their defence, [183];
the doctrine summed up, [138];
counter explanation, [139];
the Virginia resolution, [139];
how the South Carolina doctrine would have operated in New England, [139];
the doctrine has no foundation in the constitution or in Virginia resolutions, [139];
"the character of the government," [139];
"supremacy of the constitution and laws, [140];"
interpretation of the Virginia resolutions disputed, [140];
remarks, [140];
Hartford Convention, [140];
pledge of forcible resistance to any attempt to enforce unconstitutional laws, [140];
remarks, [141];
Webster's peroration, [141];
remarks of Benton, [142];
his slowness to believe in any design to subvert the Union, [142].
Anniversary of Jefferson's birth-day, [148];
a subscription dinner, [148];
the guests, [148];
the regular toasts, [148];
conversation excited by them, [148];
toast of the President, [148];
toast of Calhoun, [148];
remarks relative to Mr. Jefferson, [148];
his vindication, [148];
resolves of Virginia, [149].
Ordinance in South Carolina.—The fate of the American system was sealed by the elections of 1832, [297];
the course of South Carolina, [297];
words of the ordinance, [297], [298];
it placed the State in the attitude of open and forcible resistance to the laws of the United States to take effect in the February following, [298];
officially communicated to the President, [298];
his oath of office, [298].
Proclamation against nullification.—Proceedings of the South Carolina convention stated, [299];
the ordinance founded not on the indefeasible right of resisting acts which are plainly unconstitutional and too oppressive to be endured, [299];
but on the position that a State may declare the acts of Congress void and prohibit their execution, [300];
two appeals from an unconstitutional act, [300];
words of the social compact, [300];
if this doctrine had been established at an early day the Union would have been dissolved in its infancy, [300];
our constitutional history shows it would have been repudiated if proposed for a feature of our Government, [300];
the constitution declares, &c., [301];
a law repealed by a small majority of the voters of a single State, [301];
the constitution forms a government, not a league, [301];
address to the members of the convention, [302].
Message on the South Carolina proceedings.—Notice in the annual message, [303];
continuation and aggravation of the proceedings, [303];
special message, [303];
"ordinance transmitted by the Governor of South Carolina, [303];
hope indulged that by explaining the recommendations proposed to Congress, the authorities of South Carolina might recede, [303];
hence proclamation issued, [303];
the reasonable expectations not realized, [303];
neither the recommendations of the Executive nor the disposition manifested by Congress, nor the unequivocal expression of public opinion, have produced any relaxation in the measures of opposition, [303];
the State authorities actively organizing their military resources, [304];
proclamation of the Governor has openly defied the authority of the Executive of the Union, [304];
determination of the authorities of South Carolina, [304];
acts on the part of South Carolina, [304], [305];
no sufficient cause for such proceedings on the part of South Carolina, [306];
she still claims to be a component part of the Union, [306];
the duty of the Executive, [307];
recommendations of the President, [307];
importance of the crisis," [307].
Deep feeling of discontent in South Carolina operated upon by politicians, [308];
this feeling just and reasonable, and operated upon by politicians for personal and ambitious objects, [308];
twofold aspect of his proclamation and message, [308];
one of relief and justice in reducing the revenue; and the other, firm and mild in enforcing the laws against offenders, [308];
two classes of discontented—the honest and the politicians, [308];
bills proposed in Congress, [308].
Revenue Collection or Force Bill.—Bill to secure the execution of certain laws in South Carolina, [330];
remarks, [330];
"contains no novel principle, [330];
provision for removal of the Custom House, [330];
legislation necessary, [330];
secession on one hand, and nullification on the other, [331];
state of affairs in South Carolina, [331];
the bill confers on the President the power of closing old ports of entry and opening new ones, [331];
a prominent cause which led to the revolution, [331];
empowered to employ the land and naval forces to put down all abettors, [332];
no ambiguity about this measure, [332];
the President is charged by the constitution with the execution of the laws, [332];
the President's measure, [332];
the resemblance between this bill and the Boston Port bill, [333];
the war is waged against the measures of the administration," [333];
the support or Mr. Webster, [333].
Nullification resolutions.—Resolutions on the powers of the government introduced into the Senate, [334];
counter-resolutions offered, [334];
source whence Mr. Calhoun obtained the seminal idea of nullification as a remedy in a government, [335];
Virginia resolution of, [98], [99];
the essential idea derived from the Roman tribunitian veto, [335];
considered a cure for all the disorders of a Roman State, [335];
remarks, [335];
"the Roman system, [335];
operation of the Roman veto, [335];
the right of a State to interfere, [336];
governments of several States might be cited as an argument against this view, [336];
the tendency to conflict in this action," [336];
Calhoun's opinion of the defects of our form of government, and the remedy for these defects, [337];
the defect of an unchecked authority of the majority, [337];
the remedy an authority in the minority to check that majority and to secede, [337];
example of Jewish history, [337];
its squint to the Virginia resolutions, [337];
circumstances under which this remedy contended for, [337];
object to create or find this remedy in our system, [337];
nullification, resistance, secession, found by Calhoun in the Virginia resolutions, [337];
all that was intended by the Virginia resolutions, being merely an appeal to public opinion, [337];
debate, [337];
"what was the conduct of Virginia in the memorable era of 98 and 99, [338];
her real intentions and policy were proved not by declarations and speeches merely, but by facts, [338];
the constitution does not provide for events which must be preceded by its own distraction, [338];
secession and nullification revolutionary, [338];
its tendency is to break up the constitution as to all the other States, [339];
it strikes a deadly blow at the vital principle of the whole Union, [339];
it arrests the power of the law, absolves the citizen from duty, and elevates another authority to supreme command, [339];
the laws must be repealed throughout the whole Union, or executed in Carolina as well as elsewhere, [339].
"Nature of our federal government, [339];
a union in contradistinction to a league, [339];
it is not a compact or confederacy between the people of the several States in their sovereign capacities, [339];
no State authority has power to dissolve those relations, [340];
the constitution, acts of Congress, &c., the supreme law, [340];
an attempt of a State at nullification a direct usurpation of the just powers of the federal government," [340];
some other cause than the alleged one at the bottom of this desire of secession, [340];
ambitious and personal proceedings intimated as involved in the proceedings of South Carolina, [340];
expression of Calhoun, [340];
a contest between power and liberty, [341];
the freedom and the slave property of the South involved, [341];
exclusion of patriotic men of the South from the Presidency, [341];
contradicted by all history of our national elections, [341];
protective tariff the sole or main cause of the South Carolina discontent, [341];
remarks on this point, [341];
"another subject connected with this which will prevent the return of peace and quiet, [341];
the force bill a practical assertion of one theory of the government against another, [341];
the bill cannot be acquiesced in, unless the South is dead to the sense of liberty," [341];
these positions not sustained by Southern sentiment, [342]—See Tariff, Reduction of duties.
O
Ordinance of 1787.—Authorship claimed for Nathan Dane, [133];
claimed for Jefferson, [133];
history of the case, [133];
its ultimate passage the work of the South, [133];
extracts from the Journal of Congress, [134];
remarks on the claim for Dane of authorship, [134];
"origin of the measure, [134];
an attempt to transfer the honor to the South, [135];
proposed a second time," [135];
statements compared with facts, [135], [136].
Oregon Territory.—Proposition for the settlement of, first made at the session of 1820-21, [13];
causes that led to it, [13];
committee moved, [13];
carried, [13];
the committee, [13];
report, [13];
proceedings in the House, [13];
consequences of neglect by the Government, [13];
advantages from its settlement, [13];
historical facts, [14].
Joint occupation of.—Astoria captured during the war of 1812, [109];
not restored under the treaty of Ghent, [109];
convention for joint occupation concluded at London, [109];
words of the convention, [109];
article written by Benton on the subject, [109];
out traders driven out of the country, [110];
other effects of the joint occupation, [110];
resolutions against the ratification of the subsequent treaty relative to continuance of the joint occupation, [111].
Otis, Harrison Gray, Senator from Massachusetts, [7].
P
Palmer, Wiliam A., votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Panama Mission.—A master subject in its day, [65];
gave rise to grave questions, [65];
designed as a popular movement to turn the tide running against Adams, [65];
the Congress at Panama, [65];
debate in the Senate on the nomination of ministers, [65];
invited by the South American States to send deputies, [65];
motion to debate the question with open doors, [65];
reference to the President, [65];
his answer, [65];
indignation of the Senate, [66];
nominations confirmed, [66];
patronage distributed to advocates of the measure, [66];
the basis of the agreement for the Congress, the existing state of war between all the new States and the mother country, [66];
its object, [66];
relations of the United States, [66];
message of the President relative to objects of the Congress, [67];
the Monroe doctrine, [67];
extract from Adams' message respecting it, [67];
entirely confined to our own borders, [67];
other objects—advancement of religious liberty, [67];
proofs of our good will, [67];

reference of the message, [67];
adverse report, [67];
expressive of the democratic doctrines of the day, [67];
its general principle that of good-will and friendship, but no entangling alliances, [68];
remarks of committee on religious freedom, [68];
their views on the Monroe doctrine, [68];
our present unconnected and friendly position regarded as most beneficial to the republics, [68];
the advantages of friendly relations without entangling alliances, [69];
right of the President to institute the mission, [69];
relations with Haiti, on what principle established, [69];
excitement produced by the proposed mission, [69].
Paper read to the cabinet by General Jackson relative to the removal of the public deposits, [376].
Patronage, Executive, reduction of.—Committee appointed to report on the expediency of reducing, [80];
the committee, [80];
report, [80];
the six bills reported, [80];
extract from the report, [80];
"grounds of the committee's opinion, [80];
multiply the guards against the abuse of power, [81];
the extent of patronage," [81];
subsequent increase of patronage, [81];
remarks on the bills reported, [81], [82].
Parrott, John F., votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Pierce, Franklin, on abolition petitions, [615].
Pinckney, Charles, Representative from South Carolina, [7].
Pinkney, William, Senator from Maryland, [7];
negotiates the treaty of 1807, [1];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
decease, [19];
rank as an orator, [19];
speeches, [19];
on the Missouri controversy, [19];
abilities, [20];
manner in which Randolph announces his death, [20];
character, [20].
Pleasants, James, Senator from Virginia, [7];
governor, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Poindexter, George, against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
on the protest of General Jackson, [427].
Polk, James K., on the non-payment of the three per cents., [289];
on continuing the deposits in the bank, [289];
chosen Speaker of the House, [569].
Presidential election of 1824.—The candidates, [44];
how brought forward, [44];
number of electoral votes, [44];
vote for each, [44];
candidates for the Vice Presidency, [45];
vote, [45].
In the House.—The theory and practical working of the constitution in the election of President and Vice-President, [46];
first election in the House that of Jefferson and Burr, [46];
ballotings, [47];
effect on the constitution, [47];
second election in the House that of 1824, [47];
proceedings, [47];
the democratic principle finally victorious, [47];
conduct of certain individuals, [48];
Clay expresses to Benton his intention to vote for Adams before the election, [48];
letter of Clay to Benton, [48];
evidences of Clay's declaration, [48];
this election put an end to caucus nominations by members of Congress, [49];
a different mode of concentrating public opinion adopted [49];
its degeneration, [49];
an anomalous body where the election is now virtually made, [49];
this destructive to the rights and sovereignty of the people, [49];
the remedy, [49].
Presidential election of 1828.—The candidates, [111];
result [111];
vote of the free States for the slave-holding candidates, [111];
election of Jackson a triumph of democratic principle, [111];
errors of Mons. de Tocqueville, [112];
charge of violent temper against Jackson, [112];
"mediocre talent and no capacity to govern," [112];
"opposed by a majority of enlightened classes," [113];
"raised to the Presidency solely by the recollection of the victory of New Orleans," [113]. See page [282].
Presidential election of 1836.—The candidates, [683];
Vice-President elected by the Senate, [683];
details [683], [684].
Preston, William C., on French affairs, [594].
Protection to American Industry, origin of the question, [3].
Protective System.—The periodical season for its discussion, [265];
the session most prolific of party topics and party contests of any ever known, [266];
the reason, [266];
the subjects, [266];
the bank and tariff two leading measures, [266];
proposal of the President's message, [266];
the proposition of Mr. Clay, [266];
the seven years before the Tariff and the seven years after, [266];
the one, calamity; the other, prosperity, [266];
remarks, [266];
the seven years of calamity immediately followed the establishment of the bank, [266];
protection an incident before 1816, afterwards an object, [267];
origin and progress of the protective policy, [267].
"It began on the 4th of July, 1789. The second act on the statute book, [267];
prosperity consequent on the French revolution, [267];
state of things after the peace in 1815, [267];
subject again brought up in 1820, [267];
summary of the policy," [267].
Other speakers in favor of the policy, [268];
those against it, [268];
bearing of the question on the harmony and the stability of the Union. [268].
A crisis arrived, [268];
dissatisfaction of all the South, [268];
objects of the Revolution, [268];
manufacturers should be supported incidentally, [268].
"This system an overruling necessity, [269];
the danger to its existence lies in the abandonment, and not in the continuance of the American system, [269];
great excitement in South Carolina, [269];
the Union necessary to the whole and to all its parts, [269];
the majority must govern, [269];
can it be believed that two-thirds of the people would consent to the destruction of a policy believed to be indispensably necessary to their prosperity?"; [269].
An appalling picture dissolution of the Union presented on either hand, [270];
former designs of bringing Jackson forward for the Presidency, [270];
views entertained in South Carolina, [270];
views of the Democratic party [270];
"cannot feel indifferent to the sufferings of any portion of the American people, [270];
what is the cause of Southern distress? [271];
other causes which exist," [271];
the levy and expenditure of the federal government the cause of Southern decadence, [271];
exportation of American manufactures, [272];
this fact urged to show the excellence of American fabrics, and that they are worthy of protection, [272];
also urged to show their independence of protection, [272];
"American cottons now traverse the one-half of the circumference of the globe, [272];
effect of these duties to create monopolies at home, [272];
the Custom House returns," [272];
the prosperity attributed to the Tariffs of 1824 and 1828, [272];
real cause of the revived prosperity, [273];
remarks, [273];
Clay's remarks on his own failing powers and advanced age, [273];
compliments on his remarks, [273];
sparring between Gen. Smith and Mr. Clay on the age of the latter, [273], [274];
the seriousness of Southern resistance to the Tariff, [274];
an appeal to all to meet the South in a spirit of conciliation, [274].
Protest of Gen. Jackson on the vote of censure in the Senate, [425].
Public distress.—From the moment of the removal of the deposits, the plan of the bank was to force their return, and with it a renewal of its charter, by operating on the business of the country and the alarms of the people, [415];
course to be pursued, [415];
first step to get up distress meetings, [415];
memorial sent to Congress, [415];
speeches on their presentation, [415];
remarks of Mr. Tyler on presenting a memorial from Virginia, [416];
do. of Mr. Robbins on presenting a memorial, [416];
do. of Mr. Webster on presenting a memorial, [417], [418], [419];
do. of Mr. Southard on presenting a memorial, [417];
do. of Mr. Clay on presenting a memorial, [418];
do. of Mr. Kent on presenting a memorial, [418];
Clay's apostrophe to the Vice President, charging him with a message of prayer and supplication to the President, [420];
the Vice President takes a pinch of Mr. Clay's snuff, [420];
resolution of a public meeting relative to the message to be conveyed by the Vice President, [420].
All this is a repetition of what was heard in 1811, [421];
extracts from Debates of Congress, [421];
the two distresses proved the same thing, [421];
agitation and commotion in the large cities, [421];
gaining a municipal election in New York, [421];
extracts relative to everyday occurrences, [421];
amounts of money expended, [422].
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Finances, [462];
call made at the height of the panic, [462];
showed an increase in every branch of the revenue, instead of a decline, [462];
test of the prosperity of the United States, [462];
the distress confined to the victims of the Bank, or fictitious and artificial, [462];
attempt to quietly put the report aside, [462];
preparation made to defeat this move, [462];
the entire reading demanded, [462];
speech of Mr. Benton on its conclusion, [462];
the speech, [462];
"assertions and predictions under which the call had been made, [462];
a report to make the patriot's heart rejoice, [463];
it had been called for to be given to the people, and the people should have it, [463];
the statements of the report examined, [463];
evidence of commercial prosperity, [464];
increased imports, increased shipping, increased sales of public lands, [464];
it has been said that trade is paralyzed, [465];
the odium of all the distress falls on the bank, [465];
the prosperity of the country, [466];
recapitulation of the evidences, [467];
the alarm is over, the people are tired of it, [467];
the spectre of distress could never be made to cross the Mississippi, [467];
the bank is now a nuisance," [468];
report laid on the table and printed, [469]. See Tariff.
Public Land Debtors.—The credit system then prevailed, [11];
debt for lands sold to the Government, [12];
situation of the public land debtors, [12];
system on which the lands were sold, [12];
subject referred to in the President's message, [12];
the measure of relief devised, [12];
the cash system and reduced price adopted, [12];
the pre-emption right introduced, [12];
opposed, [12];
carried, [12];
the graduation principle pressed, [12].
Public Lands.—Burke's bill for the sale of the Crown lands presented in the British House of Commons, [102];
its application to this country, [102];
his remarks, [102];
sales of land by a government to its citizens a false policy, [102];
movements to obtain a graduation of price, [103];
recommendation of Jackson's message, [103];
the revenue derived from the sale of lands a trifle compared with the revenue derivable from the same lands through settlement and cultivation, [103];
sale of land brings no population, cultivation produces population, [103];
remarks in favor of donation of lands, [103];
example of the Atlantic States in favor of donations, [104];
remarks against the reservation of saline and mineral lands, [104];
these lands sold in Missouri, [105];
system of renting mines abolished, [105];
case of "Granny White," [105];
the example of all nations in favor of giving land, [106];
proclamation of the King of Persia in 1823, [106];
Western States sufferers by this land policy, [106];
change in public sentiment, [107].
A proposition to inquire into the expediency of limiting the sales of land to those in market—to suspend the surveys, &c., [130];
"a proposition that would check emigration to the new States of the West, [130];
limit settlements, [130];
deliver up large portions to the dominion of wild beasts, [131];
remove the land records, [131];
never right to inquire into the expediency of doing wrong, [131];
inquiry is to do wrong," [131];
charge upon the East of intending to check the growth of the West, [132];
history of the first ordinance for the sale and survey, [132];
to make clean work is like requiring your guest to eat all the bones before he should have more meat, [132];
the propriety of selling at auction prices and at an arbitrary minimum for all qualities, [132];
system adopted by all nations, [133];
the British and Spanish colonies fostered under a very different system, [133];
indefinite postponement moved, [133].
Distribution to the States.—Bill to reduce the price ordered to a third reading, [275];
pre-emption established, [275];
plan to distribute the proceeds reported, [275];
report, [275];
"inexpedient to reduce the price, or to cede the lands to the States, [275];
sound policy enjoins the preservation of the existing system, [275];
governments, no more than individuals, should be intoxicated by prosperity, [275];
should husband their resources, [276];
the proposal to divide the proceeds among the States, [276];
a bill for this purpose reported," [276].
Impropriety of originating such a bill in a Committee of Manufactures, [276];
referred to the Committee on Public Lands, [276];
a counter report, [276];
"this view fundamentally erroneous, [276];
the Committee on Manufactures regard the Federal domain merely as an object of revenue, [276];
quotation from the speech of Burke, [276];
these sentiments the inspiration of political wisdom, [277];
expectations from the public lands, [277];
result of an experiment of near fifty years, [277];
the bill to divide the proceeds is wholly inadmissible in principle and erroneous in its details, [277];
it proposes to change injuriously and fatally for the new States the character of their relation to the Federal Government on this subject, [277];
its effects, [277];
the details of the bill are pregnant with injustice and unsound policy, [278];
it makes no distinction between those States which did or did not make cessions of their vacant land to the Federal Government, [278];
it proposes benefits to some States which they cannot receive without dishonor nor refuse without pecuniary prejudice, [278];
these lands were granted to pay the debts of the Revolutionary War, [278];
other objections, [278];
postponed in the House, [279].
Distribution of proceeds.—Bill renewed, [362];
arguments in its favor, [362];
provisions of the bill, [362];
advantages of settling the question and disposing of the public lands, [363];
revenue from sales considered, [363].
A measure dangerous in itself and unconstitutional, [364];
bill passed the Senate, [364];
passed in the House with amendments, [364];
Senate concur on the last night of the session, [364];
retained by the President, [364];
reasons, [364];
denunciations of the Press, [365];
next session bill returned with objections, [365];
"first principles of the whole subject, [365];
the practice of the Government, [365];
an entire subversion of one of the compacts by which the United States became possessed of the Western domain, [366];
these ancient compacts are invaluable monuments of an age of patriotism and virtue, [366];
other principles inserted in the bill, [366];
the object to create a surplus for distribution, [367];
a more direct road to consolidation cannot be devised, [367];
difficult to perceive what advantages will accrue to the States, [368];
the true policy is that the public lands shall cease as soon as practicable to be a source of revenue, [368];
statement of revenues derived from the public lands," [368];
remarks on this veto message, [369].
R
Randolph, John, Representative from Virginia, [7];
opposes Clay on the Missouri question, [10];
decease of, [473];
place of his death, [473];
his career, [473];
how he should be judged, [473];
never enjoyed a day of perfect health, [473];
insanity at periods, [473];
conversation on that point, [474];
his parliamentary life, [474];
friendship with Macon, [474];
disposition, [474];
feelings on slavery, [474];
as a duellist, [475];
religious sentiment, [475].
Relief, Mr. Webster's plan of.—Renewal of the charter of the bank for six years, [433];
to give up the exclusive or monopoly feature, [433];
further particulars, [433];
leave asked to bring in the bill, [433];
opposition from Clay and Calhoun, [433];
reasons for Calhoun's position, [434];
his object to "unbank the banks," [434];
remarks, [434];
ultimate object to arrive at a metallic currency, [435];
this an object of the administration, [435];
conversations among Senators, [435];
motion for leave to bring in a bill laid on the table, [435];
excuse for this movement, [436].
No previous opportunity to show the people the kind of currency they were entitled to possess, [436];
the Government intended to be a hard money Government, [436];
evidences on this point, [437], [438];
the quantity of specie derivable from foreign commerce, added to the quantity of gold derivable from our mines, were fully sufficient to furnish the people with an abundant circulation of gold and silver, [438], [439];
the value now set upon gold is unjust and erroneous, [440];
these laws have expelled it from circulation, [440];
nature and effects of this false valuation, [441], [442], [443];
intention and meaning of the constitution that foreign coins should pass currently as money, and at their full value, within the United States, [444];
the plan presented for the support of public credit in 1791, [445];
four points presented, [445];
facts, [445];
injuries resulting from the exclusion of foreign coins, [446];
what reason can now be given for not preventing it? [447];
a review of the present condition of the statute currency of the United States, [448];
three distinct objections to the Bank of the United States as a regulator of the currency, [449];
a power that belongs to the Government, [449];
it cannot be delegated, [449];
it ought not to be delegated to any bank, [450];
differs from Mr. Calhoun in the capacity of the bank to supply a general currency, [451], [452];
circulation of the bank in 1833, [453];
objections to prolonging the existence of the present bank, [454];
the conduct of the present bank, [454];
that of the first bank, [455];
the spirit which seems to have broken out against the State banks deprecated, [456];
a small paper circulation one of the greatest grievances that can afflict a community, [457];
restoration of the gold currency has great influence in putting down a small note circulation, [458]. See Public Distress.
Removals from Office.—Error of De Tocqueville, [159];
his statement, [159];
case of Adams' administration, [159];
no distinct party lines, [159];
no case presented to him for political removal, [160];
so in the main with Jackson, [160];
extent of removals by him, [160];
his election a change of parties, [160];
he followed the example of Jefferson, [160];
the circumstances of Jefferson, [160];
the four years' limitation law not then in force, [161];
fundamental principle, [161];
his letter to Monroe, [161];
do. to Governor Giles on removals, [161];
do. to Elbridge Gerry, [161];
do. to Mr. Lincoln, [161];
Jefferson's law of removals, [161];
said he had never done justice to his own party in this respect, [162];
clamor against Jackson, [162];
the practice of removals for opinion' sake becoming too common, [162];
description of Macaulay, [162];
the evil become worse since the time of De Tocqueville, [162];
an evil in our country, [162];

Jefferson's rule affords the remedy, [162];
remarks upon it, [163].
Report of Government Bank Directors, [374].
Resolutions of Webster relative to the Compromise, [317];
relative to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the removal of the public deposits, &c., [394], [398].
Rhea, John, Representative from Tennessee, [7].
Rivers and Harbors.—Internal Improvement of, how based, [4];
how restricted, [4].
Rives, William C., on the meaning of the Virginia resolutions, [337];
on the independence of Texas, [668].
Roberts, Jonathan, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Robertson, George, Representative from Kentucky, [7].
Rowan, John, on revision of the tariff, [95].
Rush, Richard, Secretary of the Treasury, [55];
negotiates for joint occupancy of Oregon, [109].
S
Salt Tax, repeal of.—This tax an odious measure, [143];
fluctuations in the tax, [143];
efforts to repeal it, [143];
"the English salt tax and manner of its repeal, [144];
the enormous amount of the tax, [144];
contrary to every principle of taxation, [144];
the distribution of this tax on different sections of the Union, [144];
the Northwest, [144];
the South, [145];
the West, [145];
provision curers and exporters were entitled to the same bounty and allowance with exporters of fish, [145];
the provision trade of the West, [145];
the repeal of the salt duty the greatest favor to this trade, [145];
the domestic manufacture has enjoyed all possible protection, [146];
time enough been had for the trial, [146];
the American system without a gross departure from its principles could not cover this duty any longer, [146];
every argument that could be used here had been used in England in vain, [147];
the petition of the British manufacturers, [147];
effect of an era of free trade in salt," [147].
This tax a curse, [154];
a mystery in salt, [154];
bill to abolish offered, [155];
the fisheries, [155];
"the tax on alum salt, the foundation of all these bounties, [155];
different acts of Congress recited, [155], [156];
reasons for abolishing the duty on alum salt, [156];
an article of indispensable necessity to the provision trade of the United States, [156];
no salt of the kind made in the United States, [156];
the duly enormous and quadruples the price, [156];
it is unequal in its operation, [156];
means of drawing an undue amount of money from the public treasury, [157];
a practical violation of one of the most equitable clauses in the Constitution of the United States, [157];
it now rests on a false basis, [157];
its repeal will not materially diminish the revenue nor delay the extinguishment of the public debt, [157];
it belongs to an unhappy period in the history of the government," [157].
Amount paid by it into the treasury, [714];
quantity imported, [714];
its import from England, [715];
effect of the tax, [716];
its direct injuries, [716];
the burdens appear in the most odious light, [716];
testimony of Dr. Young, [717].
Sanford, Nathan, Senator from New York, [7];
candidate for Vice Presidency in 1824, [45].
Scott, John, Delegate from Missouri, [8];
presents the application of Missouri for admission into the Union, [9].
Seal of Colonel Benton, origin of it, [77].
Secession of a State—origin of the doctrine, [4];
Senate in favor, [34];
do. against, [34].
Sergeant, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, [7];
on the committee to whom was referred the application of Missouri, [9];
nominated minister to Panama, [60];
renominated for the Vice Presidency, [232];
candidate for the Vice Presidency, [282].
Sevier, Ambrose H., on the cession of the public lands, [709].
Shaw, H., Representative from Massachusetts, [9];
votes for the admission of Missouri, [9];
coadjutor with Clay on the Missouri question, [10].
Sierra Leone, origin of the colony of, [88].
Silsbee, Nathaniel, Representative from Massachusetts, [7].
Slaves deported, British Indemnity for.—Controversy respecting slaves carried off in the war of 1812 concluded in 1827, [88];
similar controversy under the treaty of 1783, [88];
origin of the colony of Sierra Leone, [88];
subject referred to the Emperor Alexander, [88];
arbitrament disputed, [88];
payment made, [88];
statement of the case, [88];
the reference, [89];
views, [89];
the third treaty, [89];
the payment, [90];
the example, [90];
question of restitution arising under the Revolutionary war, [90];
number carried off, [90];
the commissioners at Ghent, [91];
French spoliation claim, [91];
contrast with the claim for deported slaves, [91];
proof that Northern men will do justice to the South, [91].
Slavery, effect of its existence or non-existence on different States.—"The ghost of the Missouri question, [136];
the line drawn between the free State of Ohio and the slave State of Kentucky, [136];
views of leading men North and South indisputably the same in the earlier periods of our government, [136];
the sublime morality of those who cannot bear the abstract contemplation of slavery a thousand miles off, [136];
the morality of the primitive Christians," [136];
conduct of the Free States at the first introduction of the slavery topic into Congress, [137];
further remarks, [138].
Slavery in the District of Columbia, Abolition of.—Memorial of Society of Friends in Pennsylvania, [576];
source whence the memorial emanated, [576];
previous proceedings on these memorials, [576];
motion to reject when presented for reception, [576];
this point the origin of a long and acrimonious war in the two Houses of Congress, [576];
reception and condemnation would quiet the question, [576];
moved to postpone, [577];
remarks of Senator Benton, [577];
"character of the petitioners, [577];
the abolitionists, [577];
publications and prints, [577];
intended to inflame the passions of slaves, [577];
cause of the massacre of San Domingo, [577];
course of the French society, [578];
the conspiracy in Louisiana, [578];
these societies had already perpetrated more mischief than the joint remainder of all their lives spent in prayers of contrition and works of retribution, could ever atone for, [578];
the conduct of the great body of the people in the free States, [579];
object is to give that vote which will have the greatest effect in putting down these societies, [579];
past action of the Senate," [579].
Slavery agitation.—
Tune of its rise, [5];
unceasing efforts to alarm the South by imputations against the North, of unconstitutional designs on the subject of slavery, [609];
letter of Mr. Madison to Mr. Clay, [609];
letter to Edward Coles, [609];
nullification in a new disguise, [609];
publications to alarm the South, [610];
the "Crisis," [610];
the subject of a Southern Convention, [610];
the conduct of Mr. Calhoun, [610];
petitions for the abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia, [611];
Calhoun's remarks, [611];
extreme ground taken, [611];
his doctrine, [611];
reply of Mr. Morris, [612];
Bedford Brown in reply to Mr. Calhoun, [612];
King charges upon the remarks of Calhoun the effect of increasing the slavery agitation, [613];
Calhoun, in reply, charges that any other course will divide and distract the South, [614];
remarks of Mr. Hill relative to the views of Northern States, [614];
petitions in the House, [615];
remarks of Mr. Franklin Pierce, [615];
course of the Telegraph newspaper, [615];
the Herald of Freedom newspaper, [616];
Calhoun sends a paper to the Clerk's desk to be read, containing an attack upon a member of the other House, [616];
apology by the presiding officer for permitting it to be read, [616];
remarks of Mr. Benton at the request, and in defence of Mr. Pierce, [617];
the statement of Mr. Calhoun involved him in the solecism of sending forth incendiary publications through the action of the Senate, [617];
remarks of Mr. Benton on this point, [617];
remarks of Mr. King on the strange scene of Southern Senators attacking their Northern friends because they defended the South, [617];
increase of abolitionism denied, [618];
treatment of George Thompson, [618];
further statements, [619];
remarks of Mr. Webster, [619];
refusal of Mr. Calhoun to vote on the motion to reject the prayer of petitioners, [619];
his remarks, [619];
an unjustifiable assumption, [620];
memorial of the Society of Friends, [620];
further remarks, [620].
Action of the House on abolition petitions, [621];
resolution presented by Mr. Pinkney, [621];
votes, [621];
committee ordered and report, [621];
report adopted, [621];
remarks of Mr. J. Q. Adams on the reception of these petitions, [622];
action of early Congresses on this subject, [623];
Madison on abolition petitions, [623];
his consistent course, [623];
South, the point of danger from slavery agitation, [623].
Sloan, John, Representative from Ohio, [7].
Smith, Bernard, Representative from New Jersey, [9];
votes for the admission of Missouri, [9].
Smith, Samuel, Representative from Maryland, [7];
on the committee to whom was referred the application of Missouri, [9];
for Van Buren as Minister to England, [216];
on the British West India Trade, [125];
on the expenses of government, [230];
on the protective policy, [268];
on the compromise tariff bill, [315], [327].
Smith, William, Senator from South Carolina, [7];
Judge, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
moves to be excused from voting on the measure for the relief of public land debtors, as he was one, [12];
excuse refused, [12].
Smythe, Alexander, Representative from Virginia, [7].
Southard, Samuel L., Senator from New Jersey, [7];
Secretary of the Navy, [55];
on the Expunging resolution, [528];
on the independence of Texas, [669].
Speakers in the House in favor of protection, [32];
ditto against, [33].
Specie Circular.—
Its issue marked the firmness, foresight, and decision of General Jackson, [676];
its purport, [676];
extent of the land sales, [677];
remarks on the evil which required the specie circular, [677];
benefits of suppressing it, [677];
a view of the actual condition of the paper currency, [678];
bill which was the basis of the remarks rejected, [678];
President decides to issue the order, [678].
Resolution to rescind the Treasury Circular offered, [694];
remarks of Senator Ewing, [694];
origin of the order, [695];
its legality, [695];
remarks of Senator Benton, [695];
a little panic, [695];
letter of Mr. Biddle, [696];
Clay's speech at Lexington, [696];
illegality of the treasury order examined, [696];
the new distress, [697];
Mr. Biddle's description of it, [697];
movement to produce a general suspension of specie payments, [697];
remarks of Senator Benton, [697];
reply of Senator Crittenden, [698];
ditto of Senator Webster, [699];
other speakers, [700];
subject referred, [700];
report, [700];
action of the Senate, [700];
cause of Mr. Benton's speech, [700];
his speech on the proceedings, [701], [702];
explosion of the banks foretold, [708];
reply of Senator Walker to Benton, [708], [704];
Mr. Calhoun's reason for not voting on the recision bill, [706];
bill passed in the Senate, [706];
amendment of the House, [706];
lost, [706];
veto, [706].
Stevenson, Andrew, chosen Speaker, [121];
elected Speaker, [209];
chosen Speaker of the House, [371].
Stores, Henry R., Representative from New York, [7].
Stokes, Montfort, Senator from North Carolina, [7];
Governor, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Story, Joseph, Justice of Supreme Court, [7].
Supreme Court, its Judges and officers, [731].
Swift, Benjamin, opposes the admission of Arkansas, [627].
T
Taney, Roger B., Attorney General, [181];
nomination as Secretary of the Treasury sent in near close of the session, [470];
immediately rejected, [470];
resigns, [470];
appointed Chief Justice, [731];
vote in the Senate, [731].
Tariff and American System.—
Beginning of the question, [32];
protection looked for among the incidental powers, [32];
the design was to make protection the object, and revenue the incident, [32];
revision of the tariff proposed, [32];
public distress the leading argument for the new tariff, [32];
remarks of Mr. Clay, [32].
"Public distress of the whole country the most prominent object of attention, [32];
its evidences, [32];
its extent, [32];
a truthful picture," [32].
Other speakers, [32], the distress disputed, [33];
its cause the paper system, [33];
no necessity for protection, [33];
Webster's remarks, [33];
other speakers in opposition, [33];
passage of the bill in the House, [34];
closeness of the vote, [34];
moved to refer to finance committees in the Senate, [34];
lost, [34];
referred to committee on manufactures, [34];
passed the Senate, [34];
increase of revenue a motive with some friends of the bill, [34];
views of the candidates for the Presidency, [34];
position of various States on the bill, [34].
Revision of.—
Date of a serious division between the North and South, [95];
the work of politicians and manufacturers, [95];
productions of different States favored by additional duties on their rival imports, [95];
remarks, [95];
"in vain that it is called the American system, [95];
as a tax for the support of Government, it is to be supported; if for any other purpose, it is to be reprobated, [95];
the surrender of individual opinion to the interest of the State," [95];
the bill contained a vicious principle, [95];
the tariff an issue in the Presidential contest, [96];
manufacturers warned not to mingle their interests in politics, [96];
change of policy in the New England States, [96];
"she held back, [96];
denounced, [96];
the present measure called a New England one, [96];
tone of those who administered the Government," [96];
the question now both political and sectional, [97];
the duty on indigo, [97];
remarks on the motion, [97];
"history of its production, [97];
reasons for encouraging its home production, [98];
reasons for a unanimous vote, [98];
burdens imposed by every tariff on Virginia and the Carolinas," [99];
"object to make the bill consistent, though opposed to the principle, [99];
no boon asked for the South, [99];
capacity of the country to produce it, [100];"
motion lost, [100];
a nominal duty imposed, [100];
this regarded as an insult by the South, [100];
Southern views of the bill, [100];
scheme of this Tariff, where conceived, [101];
the bill a regular appendage of presidential elections, [101];
change between the prosperity of the North and the South, [101];
cause to which attributed, [101];
its justice, [101];
feeling of the mass of democratic members, [102].
Reduction of Duties.—
A certain amount reduced, at the previous session, [308];
a step in the right direction, [308];
further reduction expected, [308];
Verplanck's bill, [308];
the financial history of the country since the late war, [309];
a satisfactory statement, [309];
carrying back the protective system to the year of its commencement, [309];
abundant protection to real manufacturers, [309];
bound to be satisfactory to the South Carolina school, [309];
bill lingered in the House under interminable debates on systems and theories, [309];
suddenly knocked over by a new bill, [309];
moved to strike out all after the enacting clause, and to insert a new bill, called the compromise, [309];
delay asked for by Northern members, [310];
remarks, [310];
"one short hour ago collecting our papers to go home, [310];
a new bill, proposed, and the cry of 'question' raised, [310];
hasty legislation deprecated in matters of great importance, [310];
this matter assumes an imposing attitude, [310];
a bill to tranquillize feelings, [310];
it is said the next Congress will be hostile to the tariff, [311];
the discontent has a deeper seat than the tariff," [311];
the seductive and treacherous nature of compromise legislation, [311];
bill passed at once, [311];
a bill without precedent in the annals of legislation, [312];
the manner of proceeding, [312];
the degree to which it was a compromise, [312];
list of the voters, [312].
Clay asks leave to introduce a bill called a "compromise measure," [313];
remarks, [313];
"two great objects in view, [314];
the first object looks at the tariff, [313];
it stands in imminent danger, [313];
it must fall at the next session, [313];
be productive of calamitous consequences, [313];
can be placed on a better foundation now, than at the next session, [313];
the majority of the dominant party is adverse to the tariff, [313];
the father of the system charged with its unnatural abandonment, [313];
a wish to separate it from politics," [314];
the principle of the bill a series of annual reductions of one-tenth per cent., &c., [314];
other features of the bill, [314];
remarks on the number of years the protective policy has to run, and the guaranties for its abandonment, [314];
a stipulation to continue nine years, and no guarantee for its abandonment, [314];
moral guarantees, [314];
"this project has not the elements of success, [315];
a violation of the constitution, as the Senate have no power to originate a revenue bill, [315];
after they are defeated, and can no longer maintain a conflict, they come to make the best bargain they can, [315];
the tariff is in its last gasp, [315];
what has the tariff led us to already? [315];
what evidence that the manufacturers will not come at the end of the time, and ask more protection than ever," [315];
"a measure for harmony, [315];
the unhappy divisions of North and South attributable to this bill, [315];
further remarks," [315];
fallibility of political opinions, [316];
Clay's views, [316];

Calhoun's views, [316];
Clay's determination relative to a reaction, [316];
manner in which the bill was received by the public, [316];
Niles' Register, [316];
conclusions of the manufacturers, [316];
position of Webster, [316];
not consulted on the subject, [316];
"the bill a well-understood surrender of the power of discrimination, or a stipulation not to use that power for a certain period, [317];
if the tariff is in danger, it is because the people will not sanction it, [317];
resolutions relative to the bill," [317].
Probable reasons for Webster's exclusion from all knowledge of the compromise bill, [318];
coincidence of his views with those of General Jackson, [318];
a reduction of the tariff to a stable condition frustrated by the compromise bill, [318];
objections urged against the bill, [318];
attitude of South Carolina surmounted the objections, [318];
would remove all cause of discontent from her, [318];
House bill introduced during the discussion on the question of leave, [319];
ditto passed, [319];
share of the manufacturing states in this compromise, [319];
an incident showing that "measures may be passed on other reasons than their merits, [319];
remarks, [319];
"an extraordinary augmentation of duties in a bill which was to reduce duties, [319];
two or three little factories in Connecticut must be protected, [319];
contrary to the whole tenor and policy of the bill, [320];
a view of the circumstances which had attended the duties on these woollens," [320].
Another incident—the character of protection openly claimed for this bill, [320];
remarks of various Senators on this point, [321];
silence of Calhoun on this point, [321].
The constitutionality of originating this bill in the Senate, [321];
purely a question of privilege, and the decision of it belonged alone to the other House, [321];
no Committee of Ways and Means in the Senate, [321];
it is not the less a money bill turn its object being protection, [321];
amendment proposed relative to the drawback on manufactured imports, [321];
instance refined sugar, [322];
lost, [322];
carried, so far as relates to sugar, in after years, [322].
Motion to substitute home valuations for foreign or imported goods, [322];
strenuously opposed by Calhoun, [322];
insisted upon by friends of the bill, [322];
moved to lay the bill on the table, [322];
adjournment moved and carried, [322];
Calhoun recedes, [322];
the conditions, [322];
their fallacy, [323];
debate on this point, [323];
"a home valuation deemed necessary by the friends of the protective system, [323];
believed that after nine years most of the manufacturers will be sufficiently grown to protect themselves under a twenty-five per cent. duty, [323];
it would be an increase of duties, [323];
essentially necessary in order to prevent and detect frauds, [323];
it will be an entering wedge for future measures, [323];
for the sake of conciliation, the bill is brought forward, [324];
the objections to the motion insurmountable, [324];
the bill will save South Carolina from herself, [324];
you cannot have the fair twenty per cent. without adopting the principle of home valuation, [325];
the unequal operation of the home valuation, [325];
not possible to maintain our institutions and our liberties under the continuance of this controversy, [326];
proposed to lay the bill on the table, [326];
further debate, [327];
motion withdrawn, [327];
amendment moved, [327];
adjournment moved, [327];
carried, [327];
amendment that no valuation be adopted which will operate unequally in different parts of the Union considered, [327];
requirement of the constitution, [327];
merchant put to great inconvenience, [327];
the bill is declared to be permanent, [327];
home valuation impracticable and unprecedented, and unknown in any legislation, [328];
without the assurance that the principle will not be disturbed, bill should be opposed, [329];
home valuation tending to a violation at the constitution, [329];
injurious and almost fatal to the Southern ports, [329];
create great additional expense, [329];
an increase of duties in a new form, [329];
the fate of the bill depends on the fate of the amendment, [329];
two conditions of the vote of Mr. Calhoun, [329];
amendment fixing a home valuation adopted," [330];
a new principle thus adopted at the expense of the constitution, [330].
Compromise, secret history of.—
Calhoun and Clay rival candidates for the Presidency, [342];
leaders in opposite political systems, [342];
cause of their friendship, [342];
rupture, [342];
a question between them, which had the upper hand of the other, [342];
Letcher conceives the idea of a compromise to release South Carolina from her position, [342];
determination of Jackson to arrest Calhoun for high treason, [343];
conferences, [343];
agreement with the manufacturers, [343];
action of Mr. Clayton, [343];
amendments which were agreed to, [343];
manner of the passage of the home valuation amendment, [344];
Calhoun's remarks, [344];
his vote, [344];
John M. Clayton master of both, [344].
Act of 1833.—
Compromises, [344];
act of 1833 a breach of all the rules and principles of legislation, [345];
a conception of rival politicians who had failed in the game of agitation, and threw it up for the game of pacification, [345];
how could this measure be effected in a country so vast and intelligent, [345];
Benton's view of the compromise, [346];
vices of the act, [346];
mischiefs done to the frame of the government, [347].
See Protective System.
Tatnall, Col., on the treaty with the Creeks, [64];
second to Randolph in the duel with Clay, [72].
Taylor, John W., Representative from New York, [7];
Speaker, [7];
votes for the Missouri compromise, [8].
Taylor, John, decease of, a perfect and complete republican statesman, [45];
demeanor, [45];
dress, [45];
his character, [45];
writings, [45];
presented the Virginia Resolutions of 1798, [46];
on the Virginia resolutions, [351].
Taylor, G. K., on the Virginia Resolutions, [350].
Territories.—Their rights under the constitution, [4].
Texas, Independence of.—
Memorials on the subject, [665];
effects of the victory of San Jacinto, [665];
remarks, [665];
reference to Committee on Foreign Affairs moved, [666];
if Texas has a government de facto, it is the duty of the government to acknowledge it, [666];
moderation and deliberation counselled, [666];
acknowledgment and admission advocated, [667];
new theatre for the slavery agitation revealed, [667];
a design to make Texas an element in the Presidential election, [667];
the former cession of Texas, [667];
the course of Calhoun, [667];
remarks of Bedford Brown, [668];
remarks of Mr. Rives, [668];
national faith should be preserved inviolate, [668];
report in favor, [669];
"the balance of power and the perpetuation of our institutions," as a reason for admission, [669];
resolutions of recognition passed both Houses, [670];
remarks of Senator Benton, [670];
the separation of the two countries among the fixed order of events, [672];
the Alamo, [673];
humanity of Mexican ladies, [674];
calumny on the cause of the revolt, [674];
the revolt has illustrated the Anglo Saxon character, [675].
Thomas, Jesse B., votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Thomas, Francis, on Committee of Bank Investigation, [241];
on the admission of Arkansas, [631].
Thompson, Smith, Secretary of the Navy, [7].
Tompkins, D. D., Vice President, [7].
Thorn, Lieut., his fate, [109].
Thorn, Hermann, application for a commission in the army, [183].
Treasury notes, resorted to, [1];
degree of depreciation in second year the war of 1812, [1].
Treaty of 1807.—Cause of its rejection without reference to the Senate, [1].
Treaty-making power.—Its extent, [4].
Treaty of Indian Springs, [58].
Trimble, Daniel, Representative from Kentucky, [7].
Tucker, George, Representative from Virginia, [7].
Tyler, John, Representative from Virginia, [7];
on the force bill, [331];
defends the Senate investigating committee's report, [486].
V
Van Buren, Martin, remarks in the treaty with the Creeks, [60];
Secretary of State, [119];
appointed Minister to England, [181];
resigns his seat in the cabinet, [181];
his rejection as Minister to England, [214];
candidates for the succession to General Jackson, [214];
effect of Van Buren's appointment as Secretary of State, [214];
a stepping-stone to the Presidency, [214];
appointed minister, and left for London, [214];
charged with breaking up the cabinet for the purpose of ousting the friends of Calhoun, [214];
his nomination sent to the Senate, and rejection certain, soon as a case could be made out for justification, [214];
causes of objection, [215];
rejection was not enough—a killing off in the public mind intended, [215];
the speeches, [215];
anecdote, [215];
the speakers, [215];
apostrophe of Madame Roland, [215];
oh politics! how much bamboozling is practised in thy name, [215];
tie votes, [215];
speakers for the nomination, [216];
grounds upon which the objections were based, [216];
quotation from McLane, [216];
report of Mr. Gallatin containing a refutation of the objections relative to the British trade, [216];
the original of Van Buren's letter of instructions, [216];
unpublished speech of Van Buren, [217];
the Washington ground, [217];
Jackson, author of the instructions, [217];
letter of General Jackson to Van Buren after the latter became President, [217];
completely disproving a dishonorable imputation, [217];
Calhoun's friendship for Jackson, [218];
the New York system of proscription, [218];
silence of Benton, reason for, [218];
his letter to Van Buren, [218];
the rejection in England, [219];
its effects upon Mr. Van Buren, [219];
remark of Calhoun, [219];
the tie votes, [219];
the injunction of secrecy removed, [219];
relative to removals under Jackson, [218];
elected Vice President, [282].
Van Dyke, Nicholas, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Veto of Maysville Road Bill.—
Third veto on the subject of internal improvements, [167];
history of these vetoes, [167];
they embrace all the constitutional reasoning on the question, [167].
Veto of the bank, effects of.—
This a general caption for the opposition newspapers throughout the country, [280];
the ruin of the country made to appear, [280];
extracts from journals, [281];
the programme of the bank and its branches, [281];
wicked attempt on the part of a moneyed corporation to govern the election, [281].
Verplanck's, Gulian C., bill for the reduction of duties, [308].
Virginia resolutions, suggestive of nullification to Mr. Calhoun, [335];
debate of 1830, the dawn of the ideas of nullification, [347];
the Virginia resolutions quoted, [347];
nullification doctrines avowed, [347];
resolutions of '98 appealed to, [347];
the resolutions, [346];
their vindication, [348];
from their text, [348];
the right and duty of State interposition claimed, [348];
forcible or nullifying interposition not meant, [348];
the constitution suggests several modes of interposition, [348];
to interpose, does not mean to nullify and set at nought, [349].
The cotemporaneous interpretation, [349];
where found, [349];
speakers in the Virginia Legislature, [349];
opinions advanced by the speakers, [350], [351];
the opposers of the resolutions did not charge upon them, nor their supporters in any manner contend for any principle like that of nullification, [352];
responses of State Legislatures, report on the, [352];
extracts, [352];
enumeration of the powers which in the promises are claimed for the States, [353];
views of the republicans who adopted the resolutions, [353];
remark of Madison, [353];
of Monroe in 1800, [354];
the passage of the sedition law, [354];
conduct of the people of Virginia, [354].
The resolutions disabused of nullification by their author, [354];
the letters of Madison, [355];
extracts from his letter to Mr. Everett, [355];
reasons for rejecting in the constitution fanciful and impracticable theories, [355];
what the constitution adopts as a security of the rights and powers of the States, [356];
completeness of these provisions for the security of the States, [356];
on the doctrine of nullification, [356];
letter to Joseph C. Cabell, [356], [357], [359];
to Daniel Webster, [356];
to James Robertson, [356];
to N. P. Trist, [357], [359];
to C. E. Haynes, [357];
to Andrew Stevenson, [357];
from a memorandum on nullification, [358], [359];
note, [358];
to Mr. Townsend, [359];
further extracts, [360];
remarks, [360].
Vote against the ratification of the treaty of 1818, [17];
on repairs of Cumberland road, [22];
on the bill to make a road to New Mexico, [44];
on the bill to occupy the Columbia river, [50];
on the nomination of Clay as Secretary of State, [55];
on the nominations to the Panama mission, [66];
on treaty with the Cherokees, [108];
on leave to offer a resolution of inquiry relative to recharter of the bank, [205];
on the recharter of the bank, [250];
do. in the House, [250];
on selling the stock of the United States in bank, [295];
on the compromise tariff bill, [312];
on the compromise bill, [330];
on the bill to distribute the sales from public lands, [364];
on the resolution of inquiry into the fitness of the persons nominated for bank directors, [385];
on the resolution relative to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, [395];
on the resolution condemning President Jackson, [423];
on Webster's plan of relief, [435];
on laying the expunging resolutions of Alabama on the table, [528];
on the branch mints, [553];
on the deposit bank bill, [553];
on the fortification bill, [555];
on the incendiary publication bill, [588];
on the reception of abolition petitions, [619];
on abolition petition of Society of Friends, [621];
on abolition petitions in the House, [621];
on the Cherokee treaty, [625];
on the admission of Arkansas, [631];
on the distribution bill, [651];
on recognizing the independence of Texas, [670];
on the recision of the specie circular, [705];
on the substitute to land distribution, [708];
on striking out the deposit clause from the appropriation bill, [711].
W
Walker, John W., Senator from Alabama, [7];
judge, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
on the independence of Texas, [665];
on the specie circular, [703].
War of 1812.—
By whose exertions the declaration was obtained, [6];
its great results, [6].
Washington, Judge, of Supreme Court, [8].
Watmough, John G., on the Committee of Bank investigation, [241].
Wayne, James M., moves a reference of the bank memorial to a select committee, [284];
on the bank investigation, [288];
appointed Judge of the Supreme Court, [569].
Webster, Daniel, denies the public distress, [33];
on the protective system, [96];
on revision of the tariff, [96];
on the ordinance of 1787, [134];
on the conduct of the free States on slavery, [137];
in reply to Hayne, [138];
debate with Hayne, [138], [140];
opposes Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
on the recharter of the bank, [243], [244];
on the prospect of public distress, [254];
on the force bill, [332];
on nullification, [338];
on the French spoliation bill, [488], [505];
on the Expunging resolution, [550];
on the bill to suppress incendiary publications, [586];
on French affairs, [594], [596];
on abolition petitions, [619];
on the specie circular, [699].
White, Hugh L., on the entrance of the bank directors into the political field, [254].
Wickliffe, Charles H., on the Committee of Inquiry, [287].
Wilkins, William, on the force bill, [330].
Williams, John, Senator from Tennessee, [7].
Williams, Lewis, Representative from South Carolina, [7];
Father of the House, [7].
Williams, T. H., votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Wirt, William, Attorney General, [7], [55];
counsel for the Cherokee Indians, [165];
candidate for the Presidency, [282];
decease of, [475];
rank as a lawyer, [475];
lessons of his life, [475];
early condition, [475];
authorship, [476];
time of his death, [476];
remarks of Mr. Webster at bar meeting, [476].
Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of the Navy, [181].
Wright, Silas, on the French Spoliation bill, [489].
Y
Yell, Archibald, on the cession of the public lands, [711].

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Recent American History and Biography.

Destruction and Reconstruction.

Personal Experiences of the Late War. By Richard Taylor, Lieutenant-General in the Confederate Army. 1 vol., 8vo. Cloth, price, $2.00.

Four Years with General Lee: