Thus the bank question was fully presented as an issue in the election by that part of its friends which classed politically against President Jackson; but it had also democratic friends, without whose aid the recharter could not be got through Congress; and the result produced which was contemplated with hope and pleasure—responsibility of a veto thrown upon the President. The consent of this wing was necessary: and it was obtained as related in a previous chapter, through the instrumentality of a caucus—that contrivance of modern invention by which a few govern many—by which the many are not only led by the few, but subjugated by them, and turned against themselves and after having performed at the caucus as a figurante (to make up a majority), become real actors in doing what they condemn. The two wings of the bank friends were brought together by this machinery, as already related in chapter lxi.; and operations for the new charter immediately commenced, in conformity to the decision. On the 9th day of January the memorial of the President, Directors & Company of the Bank was presented in each House—by Mr. Dallas in the Senate, and Mr. McDuffie in the House of Representatives; and while condemning the time of bringing forward the question of the recharter, Mr. Dallas, in further intimation of his previously signified opinion of its then dangerous introduction, said: "He became a willing, as he was virtually an instructed agent, in promoting to the extent of his humble ability, an object which, however dangerously timed its introduction might seem, was in itself as he conceived, entitled to every consideration and favor." Mr. Dallas then moved for a select committee to revise, consider, and report upon the memorial—which motion was granted, and Messrs. Dallas, Webster, Ewing of Ohio, Hayne of South Carolina, and Johnston of Louisiana, were appointed the committee—elected for that purpose by a vote of the Senate—and all except one favorable to the recharter.
In the House of Representatives Mr. McDuffie did not ask for the same reference—a select committee—but to the standing committee of Ways and Means, of which he was chairman, and which was mainly composed of the same members as at the previous session when it reported so elaborately in favor of the bank. The reason of this difference on the point of the reference was understood to be this: that in the Senate the committee being elective, and the majority of the body favorable to the bank, a favorable committee was certain to be had on ballot—while in the House the appointment of the committee being in the hands of the Speaker (Mr. Stevenson), and he adverse to the institution, the same favorable result could not be safely counted on; and, therefore, the select committee was avoided, and the one known to be favorable was preferred. This led to an adverse motion to refer to a select committee—in support of which motion Mr. Wayne of Georgia, since appointed one of the justices of the Supreme Court, said:
"That he had on a former occasion expressed his objection to the reference of this subject to the Committee of Ways and Means; and he should not trouble the House by repeating now what he had advanced at the commencement of the session in favor of the appointment of a select committee; but he called upon gentlemen to consider what was the attitude of the Committee of Ways and Means in reference to the bank question, and to compare it with the attitude in which that question had been presented to the House by the President of the United States; and he would ask, whether it was not manifestly proper to submit the memorial to a committee entirely uncommitted upon the subject. But this was not the object for which he had risen; the present question had not come upon him unexpectedly; he had been aware before he entered the House that a memorial of this kind would this morning be presented; and when he looked back upon the occurrences of the last four weeks, and remembered what had taken place at a late convention in Baltimore, and the motives which had been avowed for bringing forward the subject at this time, he must say that gentlemen ought not to permit a petition of this kind to receive the attention of the House. Who could doubt that the presentation of that memorial was in fact a party measure, intended to have an important operation on persons occupying the highest offices of the government? If, however, it should be considered necessary to enter upon the subject at the present time, Mr. Wayne said he was prepared to meet it. But when gentlemen saw distinctly before their eyes the motive of such a proceeding, he hoped that, notwithstanding there might be a majority in the House in favor of the bank, gentlemen would not lend themselves to that kind of action. Could it be necessary to take up the question of rechartering the bank at the present session? Gentlemen all knew that four years must pass before its charter would expire, and that Congress had power to extend the period, if further time was necessary to wind up its affairs. It was known that other subjects of an exciting character must come up during the present session and could there be any necessity or propriety in throwing additional matter into the House, calculated to raise that excitement yet higher?"
Mr. McDuffie absolved himself from all connection with the Baltimore national republican convention, and claimed like absolution for the directory of the bank; and intimated that a caucus consultation to which democratic members were party, had led to the presentation of the memorial at this time;—an intimation entirely true, only it should have comprehended all the friends of the bank of both political parties. A running debate took place on these motions, in which many members engaged. Admitting that the parliamentary law required a friendly committee for the application, it was yet urged that that committee should be a select one, charged with the single subject, and with leisure to make investigations;—which leisure the Committee of Ways did not possess—and could merely report as formerly, and without giving any additional information to the House. Mr. Archer of Virginia, said:
"As regarded the disposal of the memorial, it appeared clear to him that a select committee would be the proper one. This had been the disposal adopted with all former memorials. Why vary the mode now? The subject was of a magnitude to entitle it to a special committee. As regarded the Committee of Ways and Means, with its important functions, were not its hands to be regarded as too full for the great attention which this matter must demand? It was to be remarked, too, that this committee, at a former session, with little variety in its composition, had, in the most formal manner, expressed its opinion on the great question involved. We ought not, as had been said, to put the memorial to a nurse which would strangle it. Neither would it be proper to send it to an inquest in which its fate had been prejudged. Let it go to either the Committee of Ways and Means, or a select committee; the chairman of that committee would stand as he ought, in the same relation to it. If the last disposal were adopted, too, the majority of the committee would consist, under the usage in that respect, of friends of the measure. The recommendation of this mode was, that it would present the nearest approach to equality in the contest, of which the case admitted.
"Mr. Mitchell, of South Carolina, said that he concurred entirely in the views of his friend from Georgia [Mr. Wayne]. He did not think that the bank question ought to be taken up at all this session; but if it were, it ought most unquestionably to be referred to a select committee. He saw no reason, however, for its being referred at all. The member from South Carolina [Mr. McDuffie] tells us, said Mr. M., that it involves the vast amount of fifty millions of dollars; that this is dispersed to every class of people in our widely extended country; and if the question of rechartering were not decided now, it would hazard these great and complicated interests. Mr. M. said he attached no importance to this argument. The stockholders who met lately at Philadelphia thought differently, for, by a solemn resolution, they left it discretionary with the president of the bank to propose the question to Congress when he saw fit. If they had thought that a postponement would have endangered their interests, would they not have said so? This fact does away the argument of the member from South Carolina. The bank question was decided by the strongest party question which could be put to this or any House. It has been twice discussed within a few years. It was rejected once in the Senate by the vote of the Vice-President, and it afterwards passed this House with a majority of two. It would divide the whole country, and excite on that floor, feelings of the most exasperated bitterness. Not a party question? Does not the member from South Carolina [Mr. McDuffie] remember that this question divided the country into federalists and republicans? It was a great constitutional question, and he hoped all those who thought with him, would rally against it in all their strength. But why refer it to the Committee of Ways and Means? It was committed before to a select committee on national currency. If this question was merely financial, as whether we should sell our stock, and, if we did, whether we should sell it to the bank, he would not object to its being referred to the Committee of Ways and Means. But it was not a question of revenue. It was one of policy and the constitution—one of vast magnitude and of the greatest complexity—requiring a committee of the most distinguished abilities on that floor. It was a party question in reference to men and things out of doors. Those who deny this, must be blind to every thing around them—we hear it every where—we see it in all which we read. Sir, we have now on hand a topic which must engross every thought and feeling—a topic which perhaps involves the destinies of this nation—a topic of such magnitude as to occupy us the remainder of the session; I mean the tariff. I hope, therefore, this memorial will be laid on the table, and, if not, that it will be referred to a select committee."
Mr. Charles Johnston, of Virginia, said:
"The bank has been of late distinctly and repeatedly charged with using its funds, and the funds of the people of these States, in operating upon and controlling public opinion. He did not mean to express any opinion as to the truth or falsehood of this accusation, but it was of sufficient consequence to demand an accurate inquiry. The bank was further charged with violating its charter, in the issue of a great number of small drafts to a large amount, and payable, in the language of the honorable member from New-York [Mr. Cambreleng], "nowhere;" this charge, also, deserved inquiry. There were other charges of maladministration which equally deserved inquiry; and it was his [Mr. J.'s] intention, at a future day, unless some other gentleman more versed in the business of the House anticipated him, to press these inquiries by a series of instructions to the committee intrusted with the subject. Mr. J. urged as an objection to referring this inquiry to the Committee of Ways and Means, that so much of their time would be occupied with the regular and important business connected with the fiscal operations of the government, that they could not spare labor enough to accomplish the minute investigations wanted at their hands. We had been further told that all the members of that committee were friendly to the project of rechartering the bank, and the honorable gentleman [Mr. Mercer] had relied upon the fact, as a fair exponent of public opinion in favor of the bank. He [Mr. J.] added, that although he could by no means assent to the force of this remark, yet that it furnished strong reason for those who wished a close scrutiny of the administration of the bank, to wish some gentlemen placed on the committee of inquiry, who would be actuated by the zeal of fair opposition to the bank; he conceded that a majority of the committee should be composed of its friends. He concluded, by hoping that the memorial would be referred to a select committee."
Finally the vote was taken, and the memorial referred to the Committee of Ways and Means, but by a slender majority—100 against 90—and 24 members absent, or not voting. The members of the committee were: Messrs. McDuffie, of South Carolina; Verplanck of New-York; Ingersoll, of Connecticut; Gilmore, of Pennsylvania; Mark Alexander, of Virginia; Wilde, of Georgia; and Gaither, of Kentucky.