Official figures made public October 15, show that the British casualties at the Dardanelles up to October 9 were 96,899, of whom 1,185 were officers. The casualties among the Australian troops on the Gallipoli peninsula up to the same date amounted to 29,121 officers and men.
THE ATTITUDE OF GREECE.
On September 23, acting upon the advice of Premier Venizelos, King Constantine of Greece ordered a general mobilization of the Greek army, "as a measure of elementary prudence in view of the mobilization of Bulgaria." Ten days later Premier Venizelos resigned upon official notice that the King could not support his war policy, which was believed to reflect the sentiments of the Greek people and to support the Allies. King Constantine then endeavored to form a coalition ministry. The great point at issue was whether Greece should support or oppose the passage of the Allies through Greek territory to the aid of Serbia. British and French troops to the number of 70,000 had meanwhile been landed at Saloniki, the great Greek seaport, and were being hurried to the support of the Serbians in their central territory, to oppose the incursion of the Austro-Germans and the Bulgarians. In November King Constantine and his military chiefs were visited by Field-Marshal Earl Kitchener, the British Secretary of War, who made such demands upon them in the interest of the Allies, backed by a temporary blockade of the Greek coasts by the British and French fleets, that on November 25 it was announced that cordial relations between Greece and the entente powers had been established. The Greek government gave assurances that no attempt would be made to interfere with the Allies' troops should they under any contingency be forced to cross the Greek frontier, but that railway and other facilities would be afforded them. It was understood that the Allies also promised Greece a monetary indemnity after the war for any damage that might be done through the occupation of Greek territory.
With the question of Grecian intervention out of the way, the Allies then occupied themselves with the attitude of Rumania and the intervention of Russia in behalf of Serbia, in order that the latter country might be saved from the fate of Belgium. It was generally understood that Rumania could not afford to incur the enmity of Germany by active interference in behalf of Serbia, even though the Serbians and Rumanians were natural allies against Bulgaria.
On November 26, M. Pachitch, the Serbian premier, received a personal telegram from the Russian emperor, in which the latter promised the early appearance in Bulgaria of Russian troops and the Italian government also promised the Serbians to send to their aid an expeditionary force of 40,000 men. It was believed possible that the Russian forces might seek to advance through Rumania, instead of forcing a landing on the Black Sea coast of Bulgaria—in which case the crossing of Rumanian territory by Russian troops would bring Rumania into a serious situation both economically and politically, and render it difficult if not impossible for her to preserve her neutrality. At this time Russia had concentrated a great army near the Rumanian frontier, and it was understood that a large number of heavy guns had arrived at Odessa for its use. The direction in which this Russian army would move depended entirely upon the policy adopted by the Rumanian government.
AMERICAN LOAN TO THE ALLIES.
On September 28, formal announcement was made in New York of the terms of an American loan to Great Britain and France, arranged by a commission of British and French financial authorities after conferences with American bankers; a bond issue of $500,000,000 was soon floated, drawing 5 per cent interest and issued to the syndicate at 96; the money to remain in the United States and to be used only in payment for commodities.
Late in November the French people were called upon to subscribe to a "loan of victory." The response from the people of Paris alone in one day amounted to $5,000,000,000, thus exceeding the records of all former popular war loans, including British and German issues, and typifying the patriotic ardor of the French people and their determination to continue the war to an issue successful to allied arms.
THE WESTERN CAMPAIGN.
After a week's heavy bombardment of the German lines, an important offensive movement was undertaken on September 25 by the French and British against the German lines on the western front. The forward movement occurred simultaneously in the Champagne district, between Rheims and Verdun, by the French and in the Artois district, between Ypres and Arras, by combined British and French forces. While the Allies did not succeed in gaining much ground, and both sides suffered heavy losses, it was claimed by the French war office on September 29 that as a result of the four days' assaults of the Anglo-French forces the Germans suffered losses amounting to the effective strength of 120, men, while 23,000 men and 120 cannon were captured from the Teutonic enemy. This constituted the result of what was described as the great Anglo-French drive of the autumn, and the situation on the western front then settled down once more into a state of siege. The first-line trenches of the opposing forces along a wide-flung front were within a short distance of each other. A new method of warfare had been developed and the world began to realize that all historic conditions of war had been revolutionized by the use of scientific weapons of destruction like the machine gun, which mowed down men like hay, and the high explosive shell that destroyed protective works as if they were made of cardboard and filled the trenches with dead and dying bodies. Such was the situation on the western front in the beginning of December. No let-up in the determination of either side; no advance seemingly possible, no attack that was not followed by a counter-attack; no gain of any consequence anywhere; no possibility seemingly of any decisive battle; nothing in sight but an absolute deadlock.