The change came with startling and dramatic rapidity. The Duma, ordered by Imperial rescript to dissolve, refused to obey and voted to continue its meetings. An Executive Committee was appointed, headed by the President of the Duma, which after arresting a number of pro-German ministers of the Czar, proclaimed itself a Provisional Government and announced its intention of creating a new representative form of government for the country. With the assistance of the army, it was soon in control.

Czar Nicholas was promptly compelled to abdicate the throne for himself and his young son. At first the crown was offered to his brother, the Grand Duke Michael, but inside of twenty-four hours he declined it, also abdicating formally. The Czar and imperial family were confined, while the former pro-German ministers were thrown into prison. The new Provisional Government pledged itself to conduct the war against Germany vigorously, and promised the people complete religious liberty and freedom of speech, political amnesty, universal suffrage, and a constitutional assembly to determine the form of the permanent new government. Great Britain, France, and Italy were prompt to recognize the Duma committee and it was also given enthusiastic support by the Russian armies in the field.

By March 20 absolute quiet prevailed in Petrograd and throughout Russia. The Allies were officially notified of the abdication of Nicholas II and informed by Foreign Minister Milukoff that Russia would stay in the war with them to the end. Prince Lvoff, one of the most popular men in Russia, was placed at the head of the Government Constitute and general political amnesty was proclaimed in a ukase which brought numbers of political prisoners back to their homes from Siberia, and caused great rejoicing throughout the country, no longer an empire of the Romanoffs, who had ruled it for centuries with a rod of iron.

The United States recognized the new order of things in Russia on March 22. A few days later the grand dukes and royal princes of Russia jointly informed the Government Constitute that they formally associated themselves with the abdication of Grand Duke Michael and would turn over to the new Government the crown lands and other state grants in their possession, thus completing the total abdication of the Romanoff dynasty and placing the seal of complete success on the most remarkable revolution the world ever saw—accomplished almost without bloodshed, for the troops in Petrograd had refused to fire upon the revolutionists after the first few hours of disturbance in the streets of the capital, and most of the casualties were among the soldiers themselves.

The Russian revolution, produced in the crucible of war, meant the overthrow of Germanism in Russia, which had hampered the efforts of its armies by treasonable neglect, if not worse, and in the opinion of many neutral observers, destroyed the last chance of a German victory in the war. The effect of the revolution on Germany was twofold—it darkened her military outlook, and gave a tremendous impulse to the latent liberal forces within her empire. Its effect on the war was almost equivalent to bringing a new nation into the camp of the Allies. Its meaning to German democracy was thus stated:

"Germany has been taught to believe that the European war was inaugurated by Russia for aggressive purposes. Germany's democratic leaders repeatedly pointed to Czarism as the evil spirit dominating the Entente. The object of the Central Powers was proclaimed to be the overthrow of the Russian autocratic menace. Therefore the Russian revolution may profoundly move German democracy. This is probably its greatest disillusionment since the war began."

CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION.

To get a clear picture of the conditions that produced the revolution, it is necessary to remember that from a very early period the German-born Czarina and the clique of pro-German reactionaries whom her influence made powerful with the Czar, were bent on ending the war prematurely in the interests of reaction. The Ministers set up under these auspices for over two years acted in defiance of public opinion. Their policy was not obscure: they hampered the army in respect of munitions, disorganized the country in respect of its distributive services, brought about artificial famine in a land which is one of the world's chief food-producers, and themselves, through police agents, sought to stir up abortive revolts in order that they might plead military failure and internal revolution as a reason for withdrawing from the war.

The Russian people foiled them for a long time by magnificent and much-enduring patriotism. When the government left the army without munitions, the local authorities—the zemstvos and unions of towns—stepped in and organized their supply. When police agents tried to bring about riots and strikes, the workmen's own leaders prevented their breaking out. When secret negotiations were opened up with Germany, the Duma blasted them by public exposure on the popular side.

The Duma's demand for sympathetic and really national government was enforced, first by the Council of the Empire, normally the stronghold of high officialdom, and then by the Congress of Nobles, which represents the landed aristocracy.