TO MR. GALLATIN.
February 28, 1808.
There is no source from whence our fair commerce derives so much vexation, or our country so much danger of war, as from forged papers and fraudulent voyages. Nothing should, in my opinion, be spared, either of trouble or expense on our part, to aid all nations in detecting and punishing them. I would therefore certainly direct Mr. Gelston to furnish Heinecher with every proof in his power, and to assure him that it shall be done on all occasions. Would it not be well to give this assurance to all the foreign consuls? It would at least show the world that this government does not countenance those frauds; and should not instructions be given to all the collectors to furnish all proofs in their power on demand? The three Englishmen will, I presume, be punished by the laws of Holland, either as spies, or prisoners of war. If their laws will not take hold of our scoundrel, Gardner, of the Jane, perhaps that government would put him on board a vessel, under the order of our consul, to be brought and punished here for the forgery of papers. Would it not be well to put a summary statement of this case, and of our orders on the occasion, into Smith's paper? Would it be amiss even to send it to Congress by message, with a recommendation to provide punishments against this practice? Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
March 2, 1808.
On considering the papers which James Brown sent us, containing a statement of the parcels of property in and adjacent to New Orleans, to which the United States claims, we thought it safest to await the report of the commissioners, with their list of the property. The papers received yesterday by express from New Orleans, and now enclosed to you, give us a list of the property, and grounds of claim from the common council of the city. Having thus the statement, as it were, from both parties, I suppose we may consider the list as complete. It would therefore be only losing a year to wait for the report of the commissioners, and especially as the property is suffering. What shall we do? There are two questions,—first, which of these parcels do really belong to the United States? Second, how shall they be disposed of? On the first question, I presume Congress will not decide themselves, but either leave it to the present commissioners, or appoint others of higher standing and abilities, at least for the future, which is of too much value, and too much involved in prejudices there, to be safely trusted to the present commissioners. On the second question, perhaps Congress might now desire the Executive, so soon as the titles are decided, to state to them the parcels which should be kept for the government use, and then give to the city such as they need, and dispose of the rest as they see best.
Will you favor me with your ideas what is best to be done? Affectionate salutations.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN.
Washington, March 3, 1808.
Dear Sir,—Your favor of February 8th, covering the resolutions of the Legislature of Massachusetts, was received in due time. It is a circumstance of great satisfaction that the proceedings of the government are approved by the respectable Legislature of Massachusetts, and especially the late important measure of the embargo. The hearty concurrence of the States in that measure, will have a great effect in Europe. I derive great personal consolation from the assurances in your friendly letter, that the electors of Massachusetts would still have viewed me with favor as a candidate for a third presidential term. But the duty of retirement is so strongly impressed on my mind, that it is impossible for me to think of that. If I can carry into retirement the good will of my fellow citizens, nothing else will be wanting to my happiness.