TO MR. FULTON.
December 10, 1807.
Thomas Jefferson presents Mr. Fulton his thanks for the communication of his Memoir, which he has read with great satisfaction, and now returns. There is nothing in it but what will contribute to the promotion of its great object; and some of the calculations will have a very powerful effect. He salutes him with esteem and respect.
TO MR. BARLOW.
Washington, December 10, 1807.
Dear Sir,—I return you Mr. Law's letter, with thanks for the communication. I wish he may be a true prophet as to peace in six months. It is impossible that any other man should wish it as much as I do; although duty may control that wish. The desire of peace is very much strengthened in me by that which I feel in favor of the great subjects of yours and Mr. Fulton's letters. I had fondly hoped to set those enterprizes into motion with the last legislature I shall meet. But the chance of war is an unfortunate check. I do not however despair that the proposition of amendment may be sent down this session to the legislatures. But it is not certain. There is a snail-paced gate for the advance of new ideas on the general mind, under which we must acquiesce. A forty years' experience of popular assemblies has taught me, that you must give them time for every step you take. If too hard pushed, they baulk, and the machine retrogrades. I doubt whether precedence will be given to your part of the plan before Mr. Fulton's. People generally have more feeling for canals and roads than education. However, I hope we can advance them with equal pace. If the amendment is sent out this session, returned to the next, and no war takes place, we may offer the plan to the next session in the form of a bill, the preparation of which should be the work of the ensuing summer. I salute you affectionately.
TO GENERAL JOHN MASON.
Although the decree of the French government of November 21st comprehended, in its literal terms, the commerce of the United States, yet the prompt explanation by one of the ministers of that government that it was not so understood, and that our treaty would be respected, the practice which took place in the French ports conformably with that explanation, and the recent interference of that government to procure in Spain a similar construction of a similar decree there, had given well-founded expectation that it would not be extended to us; and this was much strengthened by the consideration of their obvious interests. But the information from our minister at Paris now communicated to Congress is, that it is determined to extend the effect of that decree to us; and it is probable that Spain and the other Atlantic and Mediterranean States of Europe will co-operate in the same measure. The British regulations had before reduced us to a direct voyage to a single port of their enemies, and it is now believed they will interdict all commerce whatever with them. A proclamation too of that government (not officially, indeed, communicated to us, yet so given out to the public as to become a rule of action with them,) seems to have shut the door on all negotiation with us, except as to the single aggression on the Chesapeake.
The sum of these mutual enterprises on our national rights is that France, and her allies, reserving for further consideration the prohibiting our carrying anything to the British territories, have virtually done it, by restraining our bringing a return cargo from them; and Great Britain, after prohibiting a great proposition of our commerce with France and her allies, is now believed to have prohibited the whole. The whole world is thus laid under interdict by these two nations, and our vessels, their cargoes and crews, are to be taken by the one or the other, for whatever place they may be destined, out of our own limits. If, therefore, on leaving our harbors we are certainly to lose them, is it not better, as to vessels, cargoes, and seamen, to keep them at home? This is submitted to the wisdom of Congress, who alone are competent to provide a remedy.