The center of attraction to all political parties in the South was slavery; and no party could expect to exist with any respectable dimensions, or to possess any organic force in public affairs that did not gravitate in that direction. It was the Banquo's Ghost of every occasion and emergency. It is true, however, that there was a weak, maudlin, and mawkish anti-slaveryism here and there, through the South; but it had no bowels of effective demonstration; no inherent potency of melting mercy and just indignation, to stem the counter current, and throw off the shackles self-imposed. But when the South had drifted on the shoals of secession the issues were changed, and large and respectable masses of the people preferred the Union to slavery; but still the institution dominated everything in the shape of political action. The situation now was attended with schismatic sentiment and covert action against it, as witnessed in the babel of tongues on the question of secession.
There were different parties in Texas, representing many different views and measures, to meet the new monster now emerging from the deep waters of the nation's life.
First and foremost, the old original died-in-the-wool, South Carolina, John C. Calhoun, nullification party, which, though fewest in numbers, yet embraced in its ranks, most of the talent, wealth, and fashion of the South. This party believed in secession per se, for its own sake; and had been plotting and planning for long years to make it an accomplished fact. They thought the suitable occasion had now arrived for striking the effective blow in its behalf. They could now fire the public heart, through the medium of slavery, and win the prize of Southern independence.
There was another party, more numerous, who accepted the doctrine of secession as the dernier condition—that the rights of the South could not otherwise be preserved inviolate. They argued, "Wait till the commission of an overt act by the new Administration—Congressional or Executive interference—then will be time enough, and better excuse in the face of the nation and of mankind, for secession."
A third party believed in preserving the Union at almost all hazards; even with the loss of the peculiar rights of the South. They argued and urged that Southern rights could be maintained by fighting for them, if need be "in the Union and under the old flag." This party was quite numerous.
A fourth party said, but dare not say it very loud, "Let slavery slide, if need be it is not worth shedding blood over, but let us have the Union. Besides, the sentiment of all mankind is against our servile system, and history will dig its grave at last." This party was in the minority of all.
Still a fifth party opposed secession under any circumstances, on the ground of bad policy, and inexpediency. They said, secession is suicide, the very course to pursue by which to swamp and lose our rights. Secession will be a stupendous failure, and we shall lose by it the very thing we propose thereby to defend and save. Prophetic words, which subsequent events literally fulfilled.
This was old General Sam Houston's position. He led this party in Texas. He spoke his mind freely anywhere, and in the face of threats, denunciations and mobs. We remember the interest and excitement manifest a few days before the vote on secession was taken in Texas, on the occasion when the "old man eloquent" of the "Lone Star State" came down to Galveston from Houston, to address the people on the exciting topic. The rumor spread through the city that Houston had come and would speak the next day at eleven o'clock A. M., from the second gallery of the Tremont House. It was evident there was a deep undercurrent of excitement, with a glassy calmness on the surface, as in "still waters that run deep." There was an unsearchable depth in each man's eye, like the shadowy stillness preceding the bursting storm. In the morning of the day when he was to speak a self-constituted committee of several leading citizens waited on the General at his quarters, and warned him not to attempt making a speech that day, as they feared serious disturbance and personal harm to him. They said: "General, you know we are your personal friends, and have been your political supporters heretofore, but we are opposed to your views on secession; still we don't want to see you harmed."