After having experienced, for several weeks, much labour and many privations, I arrived at the city of Natches, which is situated on the eastern bank of the Mississippi. In approaching the city, from the banks of the river, nothing is seen but a village of ragged buildings under the hill, a little back of which the city itself is located. This hill is very high, and steep, and its soil is sandy. Along the banks of the river, under the hill, the boats, both in going up and down, frequently stop, either for a market, or information. The number of buildings here is about one hundred, and they are principally occupied for shops and boarding-houses for the boatmen. It is perhaps one of the most wretched places in the world.
The ascent to the city is very steep; and on each side of the road are considerable precipices. The city itself is singular in its aspect; being irregular, and having large unoccupied grounds in different parts of it. After rising the hill, one sees, in front, a wide street leading into the country; on the left a spacious grove of trees, back of which is a precipice of two hundred feet; and on the right of the grove are the principal streets and buildings. Many of the houses and stores are large; but there are not many buildings here which can be termed elegant. The courthouse is inconsiderable, and the theatre is a very ordinary building. In the evening the city is remarkably silent.—Scarcely a person is to be seen in its streets after dark. This place is conspicuous for its hospitality.
Whilst in this place I was on board a boat, with the captain of which I had become acquainted at the [213] mouth of the Cumberland. To this gentleman, a foppish French barber introduced himself; and played with his crew a pretty deep game. The barber was profoundly polite, and extremely disinterested. He begged the captain to sit down and have his hair cut, saying, that it was “all for de pleasure,” and that he “no value de money,” &c. So much apparent good will, although troublesome, seemed to deserve condescension; and the captain yielded to the importunity. After the work was accomplished, payment was tendered, and refused; the barber still insisting, with a thousand flourishes, that it was “all for de pleasure.” The barber then turned his attention to the boatmen, who all admired his liberality, saying, “come sare, me cut your hair bery vel.” The boatmen, one after another, sat down; the Frenchman all the time clipping away as for his life, grinning like a monkey, and declaring, with many airs, “me barber de Buonaparte!” After the barber had effected his object, and had rolled up his napkin, he, with much gravity, and an altered tone, addressed the boatmen, saying, “yentlemen, you be please to pay me.” The poor fellows were ashamed to acknowledge their mistake, and inquired how much it was a piece. The Frenchman replied, with a concerned animation, “Oh sare! only one quarter dollar.” They produced their money, and the barber, well pleased with his success, strutted off.
In the city of Natches slaves are very numerous. There is no branch of trade, in this part of the country, more brisk and profitable than that of buying and selling negroes. They are a subject of continual speculation, and are daily brought, together with other live stock, from Kentucky and other places to the Natches and New-Orleans market. How deplorable is the condition of our country!—[214] So many bullocks, so many swine, and so many human beings in our market! The latter are rated in our prices current.—Enviable distinction!
Notwithstanding the difficulties so frequently suggested, relative to the abolition of slavery within the United States, the evil can easily be removed. Let the people instruct their representatives in Congress to purchase the freedom of every slave in the Union; and to hold the slaves for the discharge of the debt thus incurred: each individual of them to receive an unconditional manumission as soon as they shall, by their labour, offset the amount paid for them.
The law under which the purchase should be made, ought to declare the slaves to be free, and as possessing all the rights and privileges of the white people of the United States; with the declaration, however, that these slaves are individually indebted to the government, according to the price paid for each. The government would then be the guardian of the blacks, for a particular purpose. The latter would be free; they would have no master, and they might, under proper regulations, sue for any invasion of their rights. The government should, in the supposed act, provide for the appointment of agents in all the slave-holding states; which agents should contract for the purchase of the slaves, and for the letting of their services for a length of time sufficient to cancel the debt thus incurred.
I have no doubt that slave holders would, generally, sell their slaves to the United States, for this purpose, upon liberal terms. Indeed, I know it to be a fact, that some of the planters would deduct, in relation to this subject, from 25 to 50 per cent. from the real value of the slave. Many of the planters too, would also hire the slaves of the government [215] according to the proposed plan. Some of the planters prefer hiring to purchasing negroes. This preference is grounded upon many considerations.
As soon as the slaves, upon the supposed plan, should discharge their obligations to the United States, they would be as independent as any of her citizens, and would let their services upon their own contracts, and according to their own calculations.
Some may object to having so many free blacks in the United States; but I think that no danger need be apprehended from them. I am not particularly partial to blacks; but I have a good opinion of their intelligence and disposition. Much of their bad conduct arises from their being slaves. Were they free, they would be more industrious, more honest, and would have no extraordinary grounds for irritation and crime. Besides, being free, they would be much less numerous in one place. They would spread themselves over the country. Some would go to the west and east, and become farmers and day labourers; some would plough the ocean, and some would emigrate to Europe, and perhaps to Africa. Surely, within a territory so vast as ours, we need not fear a population so limited, even if it were a population hostile to the country and to human nature. But the fact is otherwise. They would form a highly valuable population. Under proper systems of instruction, they would become as virtuous as any class of white people in the United States. The free blacks in the West-Indies, are industrious and peaceable. It is the case too, with those in this country; and, as to the abstract question, it may be added, that the freed vassals of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden are equally inoffensive.
This subject suggests many ideas in opposition to popular objections: but my limits will not permit a particular investigation of them.