They understood the necessity of delay as well as the necessity for statesmanship of the highest quality in dealing with the Cuban question. We lost nothing by their delay. We gained untold advantages by their prudence, a prudence that never forsook them, even when the preparations for war were completed. The message to Congress was a calm, dispassionate, judicial presentation of the case, and upon that presentation of facts and of evidence we went before the jury of the nations of the world. There could be but one verdict rendered that the American people could accept, and that verdict, whether it came by peace or war, was, in the language of the President's message, that "the war in Cuba must stop!"

CHAPTER XXXVI.

EVENTS IN THE AMERICAN CONGRESS.

Cuba's Friends in Congress—Senator Proctor's Address to His Colleagues—A Notable Exhibition of Patriotism—An Appropriation for the National Defense—Relief for the Survivors and Victims of the Maine—The Recognition of Cuban Independence.

From the date of the first attempt of the people of Cuba to secure their independence from Spain, they have had advocates in the American Congress who have worked with voice and vote in their behalf. After the commencement of the revolution in 1895 these champions gradually increased in numbers and influence, until at the time of Mr. McKinley's inauguration they included in their ranks many of the leaders in both houses.

In February, 1898, several Senators and Representatives went to Cuba for the purpose of studying the conditions on the island, and to gain a personal knowledge of the results of Spain's policy of rule or ruin.

Senator Proctor was one of this committee, and after their return to the United States, in a speech to his colleagues, he made the strongest argument in favor of intervention in behalf of Cuba that was ever made in the Senate of the United States. He had carefully prepared his address, and he delivered it as an official report of what he had observed on the island. He gave no opinion of what action should be taken by the government. He said the settlement "may well be left to an American President and the American people." But while he did not make a recommendation in so many words, he left the impression with all who heard him that he favored a declaration by our government of the independence of Cuba. He declared that he was opposed to annexation, and, while many Cubans advocated the establishment of a protectorate by the United States, he could not make up his mind that this would be the best way out of the difficulty. He told his associates that he believed the Cubans capable of governing themselves, and reinforced this statement by the assertion that the Cuban population would never be satisfied with any government under Spanish rule. The senator's remarkable speech undoubtedly had a powerful effect, both in influencing congressional action, and in swaying public opinion. As an able and responsible member of Congress and an ex-secretary of war, his words would carry weight under any circumstances, but apart from these considerations, the speech was notable because of its evident fidelity to facts, and its restraint from everything resembling sensationalism.

A NOTABLE EXHIBITION OF PATRIOTISM.

There was never a more notable exhibiton of harmony and patriotism in any legislative body in the world than occurred in the House of Representatives when Congressman Cannon presented a bill appropriating $50,000,000 for the national defense and placing this amount in President McKinley's hands, to be expended at his discretion.

Party lines were swept away, and with a unanimous voice Congress voted its confidence in the administration. Many members who were paired with absent colleagues took the responsibility of breaking their pairs, an unprecedented thing in legislative annals, in order that they might go on record in support of this vast appropriation to maintain the dignity and honor of their country. Speaker Reed, who as the presiding officer, seldom voted, except in case of a tie, had his name called and voted in his capacity as representative. The scene of enthusiasm which greeted the announcement of the vote—yeas, 311; nays, none—has seldom been paralleled in the House. The bill passed the Senate without a dissenting vote, and, on March 9, the President signed the measure, thus making it a law.