The constant succession of defeats of the Chinese forces, made imperial circles in Peking a nest of nervous uncertainty. Factional fights existed among the officials, and no one knew when his position or his head was safe. The empress dowager remained firm in her confidence in Li Hung Chang, and this fact served to retain him the title of viceroy. All of his decorative honors had however by this time been stripped from him, and only the queen’s favor and the fact that it was not wise to make of him an open enemy saved him from losing his last title. Early in December Prince Kung was appointed president of the Grand Council. He lost no time in moving towards severe punishment the[punishment the] military and naval officers who for being defeated were adjudged traitors. An imperial decree imperatively ordered the arrest of Taotai Kung the civil commandant and the four generals who commanded at Port Arthur in order that they should be sent to Peking to be tried and punished for the loss of the fortress. Admiral Ting was also arrested for failing to defend the dockyard. Generals Yeh and Wei of Ping-Yang fame were handed over to the same board of punishment. The foreign officers serving in the Chinese fleet sent to Prince Kung a unanimous protest against the infliction of punishment upon Admiral Ting, declaring that the charges made against him were unjust and that they would resign if he was punished. In response to this protest therefore an edict was issued continuing the admiral in command of the fleet.
The late viceroy of Nanking, Liu-kun-yi, was now appointed to the chief command of all the Chinese forces in the field, thus superseding Li Hung Chang and Prince Kung so far as military command was concerned. He had made an impression at the palace by his energy and by his plans for resisting invaders. Immediately upon his appointment Liu petitioned to be relieved from the office, pleading indisposition, but his request was refused at the palace. His desire was taken as an indication that he felt himself incapable of successfully carrying out the arduous task imposed upon him. In the face of the emperor’s imperative orders Liu could not avoid accepting the command, and he therefore began making appointments to his staff and preparing for his immediate departure to the front.
At last on December 21, it was given out to the world that peace negotiations with Japan were to be begun in earnest, in the hope that the crowning humiliation of a Japanese occupation of Peking might be averted. The emperor selected Chang Yen Hoon, vice-president of the Tsung-li Yamen as his peace envoy and, it was said, invested him with the fullest powers to treat. It was announced that he would proceed immediately to Japan with an adequate suite and ample credentials. He was a man of great ability, and great confidence was expressed in the success of his mission. Mr. Dun, United States minister at Tokio, learned that the Japanese government would receive the Chinese envoy with every consideration due to his rank, and with an honest desire to help him to bring his mission to a successful conclusion. But from the very beginning there was strong evidence to indicate that China was not acting in the best of faith, for no authoritative statement was made by the government at Peking of the appointment of such a plenipotentiary. This suspicion was only too well corroborated a few weeks later.
The Chinese government, after deciding to send an envoy to Japan, addressed a formal request to President Cleveland for the assistance of a recognized statesman in connection with the forthcoming peace negotiations in Tokio. The president lost no time in replying. It was officially announced in Washington December 27, that the Hon. John W. Foster, Secretary of State in the cabinet of President Harrison, after the death of secretary Blaine, had been appointed legal adviser to the Chinese peace plenipotentiary who was about to be sent to the government of Japan. Before entering President Harrison’s cabinet Mr. Foster had represented the United States as minister at Madrid and he acted as agent of the United States in the court of arbitration of the Bering Sea question at Paris. He was one of the foremost among international lawyers in the United States, with large experience in Chinese affairs. His selection by President Cleveland was not an official one, but was merely in response to a request from China for friendly assistance. Mr. Foster had no official standing from the United States, but acted simply as an adviser to the Chinese envoy.
A curious incident comes well substantiated regarding Mr. Foster’s preparations for his trip. Shortly before he sailed for China, it is said, a party of Wall street men went to see him on the subject of the Chinese indemnity. This indemnity was destined to have an important bearing upon American politics. Should the indemnity be paid in gold, our own treasury reserve would be drawn upon rather seriously. Should it be paid in silver the demand for the white metal would undoubtedly create an enormous demand for the product of western mines to the great advantage of the silver producing states. The Wall street men visited Mr. Foster in a body and urged him to favor a gold settlement. The diplomat became very much incensed at this. He declared that the representations of the bankers were a gross violation of diplomatic ethics, and that he would act as he thought best in the interests of China. From that time forward the prospective treaty was anticipated with great interest by American bankers.
The eighth session of the Japanese parliament was opened at Tokio, December 24. In the absence of the emperor at Hiroshima his speech was read by one of the ministers. It took occasion to congratulate the country for the success of the Japanese arms and declared the need of further persistence towards the successful conclusion of the war. Political sentiment, so far as party spirit was concerned, did not run high in Japan, for nearly all parties were united in support of the war. The session of parliament therefore awakened no marked interest.
The collossal nature of the task that devolved upon Japan when she undertook to reform the Corean administration was becoming daily more apparent. The first difficulty presenting itself was the fact that all the high offices of state were occupied by proteges of the queen, members of the Ming family. The queen was a woman of considerable and large ambition. She exercised great influence over the king and employed it to secure preferment and appointment for her own relatives. But the queen and her friends were indefatigable supporters of China. The Chinese resident always worked in their interests; they firmly believed that Chinese supremacy would be re-established sooner or later; and they were wedded to Chinese systems as affording the widest scope for self-aggrandizement. Thus they stood in the very forefront of the opponents of reform. That was recognized from the outset, and the device was adopted of entrusting the chief powers to the Tai-wen Kun, an inveterate enemy of the Ming family. But the old prince whose political record was written in blood cared not one jot for reform. His one idea was the Tai-wen Kun. Moreover[Moreover], he too believed in the restoration of Chinese influence and wishing to enlist it in his own behalf he opened secret correspondence with the Chinese generals, promising them that the appearance of their troops before Seoul should be the signal for a widespread insurrection of the Tonghaks to attack the Japanese simultaneously. These letters were discovered and placed in the hands of Count Inouye. He invited the Tai-wen Kun to the Japanese legation and quietly showed him the incriminating documents. Of course there was no imperative reason why any Corean subject should prefer Japan to China. The Tai-wen Kun had a right to choose between the two, but he had no right to hold the regency under pretext[pretext] of furthering reforms which he was secretly working to defeat. It was not difficult to induce him to resign the regency. He saw that the game was lost and consented to efface himself from the political arena. At the demand of the Japanese minister, the Corean king formed a new cabinet more satisfactory to Japanese influence and the crisis was passed. The revolts of the Tonghaks, however, seemed to be almost continuous and every day brought news of a riot engendered by them.
The Japanese armies which we left in Manchooria near Kai-phing, were posted on a curve extending from that city near the sea, to Hai-tcheng, which was strongly fortified, and posts also extended from there to the Mo-thien-ling hills. They thus occupied a strong position for defensive and offensive purposes. Very severe weather had set in early in January and hundreds of Japanese soldiers were suffering from frostbite. The Chinese forces had withdrawn to Kao-khan near Niuchwang, although the force occupying Liao-Yang had advanced some distance towards Hai-tcheng, which the Japanese were occupying.
Early on the morning of January 10, a brigade under General Nogi marched against a Chinese force encamped in the vicinity of Kai-phing. The attack was made at dawn, but the deep snow rendered military movements, especially the bringing up of guns, a matter of great difficulty. The Chinese had twelve fieldpieces and two gatlings which were well handled. Their force numbered about three thousand. The fight lasted four hours, and consisted mainly of an exchange of shot and shell until the Japanese were in position on the Chinese flank, when an infantry charge was ordered and the Chinese fell back before the heavy fire. The final attack upon the center was splendidly made and by 9:00 o’clock the Chinese were well beaten. There was some stiff fighting at the last, but by 10:00 o’clock the Japanese were in full possession of the town. Two hundred Chinese were found dead in the positions which they had held, and one hundred and fifty were taken prisoners. The Chinese force was commanded by General Seh, who expected to be strongly reinforced before the Japanese attack could be made. On learning this, General Nogi sent out scouting parties towards Yo-chow. They reported that a Chinese army estimated to number ten thousand men had been marching upon Kai-phing but having heard of the defeat of General Seh this large force had immediately retired towards Ying-tsu, the port of Niuchwang.
Either confidence or desperation of the Chinese was exemplified in the vicinity of Niuchwang a few days later when two Chinese corps marched against the Japanese advanced lines, and opened an attack. One of these corps advanced from Liao-Yang, whilst the other marched from the direction of Niuchwang. They were estimated at from twelve to fourteen thousand men and they had with them several fieldpieces and gatling guns. They came in sight of the Japanese lines before noon and continued their advance until within less than two miles. Then they halted and a consultation was held amongst their staff. They made no further advance, much to Japanese disappointment, but simply began a heavy fire from their artillery. At 2:00 o’clock in the afternoon, General Katsura ordered the Japanese to reply, and a concentrated fire was opened upon the Chinese ranks. The total Japanese force concentrated to receive the Chinese attack consisted of four battalions of infantry and one battalion of artillery with twelve guns. The artillery fire continued for an hour, when seeing that the Chinese were being thrown into confusion by the bursting shells, General Katsura ordered a charge upon the enemy’s right wing. It proved to be entirely successful. Five guns which protected the enemy’s right were captured at once, and the whole force immediately retreated. Another charge upon the center scattered the Chinese. The majority fled to the north, whilst a portion retreated in the direction of Niuchwang. The Chinese losses were roughly estimated at nine hundred, and the Japanese scarcely one-tenth of that number.