“A state of war exists between our country and China, but she with due regard of international forms and usages sent an ambassador to sue for peace. We therefore appointed plenipotentiaries, instructing them to meet and negotiate at Shimonoseki. It was consequently incumbent upon us, in pursuance of international etiquette, to extend to the Chinese ambassador treatment consistent with the national honor, providing him ample escort and protection. Hence we issued special commands to our officials to exercise the utmost vigilance in all respects. It is therefore a source of profound grief and regret to us, that a ruffian should have been found base enough to inflict personal injury on the Chinese ambassador. Our officials will sentence the culprit to the utmost punishment provided by the law. We hereby command our officials and subjects to respect our wish, and to preserve our country’s fair fame from impairment by strictly guarding against a recurrence of such deeds of violence and lawlessness.”
The would-be assassin belonged to the class known as the Soshis, or political bravos, who are always ripe for any acts of riot or violence. When the attack was made, Li Hung Chang was in a palanquin being conveyed to his hotel from conference with the Japanese negotiators. He had nearly reached the house, when a young man rushed out of the crowd, and seizing the hand of one of the carriers in order to stop the palanquin fired his pistol almost point blank at the Chinese plenipotentiary. There was little room for hesitation as to his motives. He was a fanatic who thought to serve his country by murdering the Chinese statesman. No delusion, it is hardly necessary to say, could be more gross than such a one. The criminal had done a grievous injury to his country and its government. Japan had striven long, earnestly, and successfully, to earn the reputation of a civilized state. Nobody of course should be unjust enough to upbraid her with the conduct of an irresponsible and apparently an isolated malefactor. Individuals with ferocious passions and ill-balanced minds are to be found in all countries, and such a crime as this, deplorable and unusual though it was, might have occurred in any European capital or our own capital city under similar conditions. Nevertheless, there were those who chose to take it as an index of national feeling condemning the country for the act of one. The manner of the expressions of regret that came so universally from every Japanese voice seemed to offer sufficient disclaimer against the existence of any such a cruel sentiment. Resolutions were presented in the Japanese diet expressing deep regret at the attempt upon the life of the Chinese plenipotentiary, and the native newspapers were unanimous and sincere in the same expressions. It had to be recognized, however, that an element existed among such people as the Soshis, inclined to violence under such circumstances, and precautions were doubled. No government is adequate to control fanaticism of the extremer sort, and the attempt upon the life of Li Hung Chang was a symptom of the frenzy which had been engendered in a large element of the Japanese people by the war. It was now learned for the first time that Mr. Detring was attacked by a Soshi in November, but was defended by the police. He kept silence in order to avoid embittering the situation.
The immediate effect on the negotiations of the attempted assassination of Li Hung Chang was that the emperor of Japan on March 29, declared an unconditional armistice. This was avowedly done because of the attack on the Chinese plenipotentiary and was so declared in notifications which were sent to all countries and to all Japanese legations. The language of the notification thus sent out was as follows: “On the opening of the negotiations the Japanese plenipotentiary proposed armistice, which Japan was willing to accept on certain conditions. While this negotiation was going on, the untoward event happened on the person of the Chinese plenipotentiary. His majesty, the emperor, in view of this unhappy occurrence, commanded the Japanese plenipotentiaries to consent to a temporary armistice without conditions. This was communicated to the Chinese plenipotentiary.”
It was now felt that the power of the Japanese government to execute the armistice would be put a critical test. The military power of Japan, in the judgment of many intelligent observers, had almost outstripped the civil power during the war. This had caused serious concern as it was feared that the military element backed by the war spirit among the people would not submit to an armistice even if the civil authorities ordered one. To meet this emergency a change of army commanders was made early in March. There had been three army corps operating in different campaigns and each under a general of supreme authority over his particular campaign. Prince Komatsu was created commander-in-chief over all armies in anticipation of an armistice. The purpose of this step was to concentrate authority in one man in close touch with the imperial household who could thus execute an armistice by a simultaneous cessation of hostilities by the three armies. It now remained to be seen whether Prince Komatsu could execute the important commission given to him. The splendid discipline shown by the army during the war gave assurance that there would be immediate acquiescence by the military, and yet Prince Komatsu had to contend against a war spirit inflamed by many victories. It had been said that an armistice would be so unpopular among the people and soldiery that it would insure the political retirement of Japan’s two chief statesmen, Count Ito and Viscount Matsu, who had served as peace envoys.
On the opening of the negotiations[negotiations], after the arrival of Li Hung Chang at Shimonoseki, the Japanese plenipotentiaries at first proposed the following conditions for the conclusion of an armistice:—The occupation of Shan-hai-kwan, Taku, and Tien-tsin by Japanese troops; Japanese control of the uncompleted railroad from Shan-hai-kwan to Tien-tsin and custody of the various forts and fortifications, together with the arms and ammunition; the payment by China of the war contributions required for such occupation.
Li Hung Chang sought to obtain more moderate conditions, but the Japanese plenipotentiaries refused, and it was then proposed to continue the negotiations without a suspension of hostilities. This was the stage which the negotiations had reached at the third conference, when the attempt was made on the life of Viceroy Li. In view of this circumstance the emperor of Japan waiving the conditions previously made ordered the Japanese plenipotentiaries to consent to an armistice until the 20th of April. The armistice was to apply to the forces in Manchooria and in the circuit around the Gulf of Pechili, including the two great promontories, but did not include any operations to the south of that region. Neither government was to be prevented from making any new distribution or disposition of their troops not intended to augment the armies in the field. The movement of troops and the transport of goods contraband of war by sea were, however, prohibited and if attempted would be made at the risk of capture. The armistice was to terminate should the peace negotiation be broken off in the meantime, and a convention embodying these terms was signed.
The news of the armistice was received excitedly by the Japanese and Chinese living in the United States, but only the former found it possible to concede the truth. A characteristic crowd of excited Chinamen gathered in front of a Chinese temple in their own quarter of New York City discussing a flaming red poster, the translation of which read: “The war between China and Japan has ended and it is time for every one to rejoice. Our fathers and brothers have fought the old enemy and those who have not been butchered will be honored at home. China is a greater country than Japan, and if the war had been allowed to go on the Japanese would have been whipped out of their boots and China would have annexed Japan as a colony. It is well for Japan that her people have been called off by the emperor, but the time will not be long before the war will be opened again, for it is written in the mystic language of the shrine that China and Japan cannot dwell forever on the same earth.”
During the time of Li Hung Chang’s illness resulting from his wound, his son, Li Ching Fung, acted as his representative in Japan and continued the negotiations. On April 7th the wound in Li’s face had completely healed and the bandages were removed. The young man who had committed the assault was sentenced to imprisonment for life at hard labor, while the chief of police and the prefect of Shimonoseki, together will all their staff, were dismissed in disgrace.
After three days of obstinate silence the assassin dropped his air of bravado and made a full confession to Judge Toyama, who conducted a private examination at the Bakan court. The prisoner declared that he had long brooded over the causes leading to the disturbance of peace in the east, and had reached the conclusion that the evil practices of Li Hung Chang were accountable for all of them, beginning with the mismanagement of affairs in Corea. He believed that as long as Li lived peace could not be restored and resolved at one time to go to China and kill the viceroy. This purpose was defeated by his inability to raise the necessary money, but when he learned that Li was coming to Japan as peace ambassador he felt that his opportunity had arrived. He bought a revolver in Yokohama, March 11, and the next day started for Tokio, reaching Bakan, March 24. At 4:15 o’clock that afternoon he approached the sedan chair in which the ambassador was returning from the conference hall to his lodgings in Shimonoseki and discharged his weapon, aiming it at the victim’s breast. Although he endeavored to steady[steady] his right arm by clasping it with the left, he missed his aim inflicting only a slight wound.
The conditions of the peace which was to be concluded by treaty now began to interest the civilized world almost as closely as the two contending nations. The conditions which were demanded by the Japanese were guessed at by every one who thought himself competent to form an opinion, and the varying opinions were sent out for discussion in the press of the world. At one time it was asserted to be arranged that Japan would conclude on offensive and defensive alliance with China, the object being to oppose European interests in the far east. This prospect occasioned considerable excitement among European diplomates. It was recognized that should China’s numbers and enormous resources be united to Japanese progression, activity, and administrative ability, the coalition would be almost impregnable to any assault that might be delivered upon it, and that it might enjoy excellent success in any Asiatic aggressions which it cared to attempt.