Mr. Clark differed from many members who had spoken before him, in the view they took of the subject; he conceived it ought to be considered in a political light. We had many wrongs to complain of, and we should endeavor to obtain redress. The English have violated our treaty, just after it was ratified, by taking away our negroes, and since by holding our posts; they have also set the savages on our backs, and have not they let loose the Algerines upon us? Shall we sit still and bear it? How can we help it? it is asked. They will retaliate, we are told. How retaliate? Will they refuse to sell us their manufactures? He remembered that, even in old times, a non-importation agreement made them repeal their stamp act. We have surely as well now as we had then a right not to buy their goods; we don't want to cram our provisions down their throats, or to force them to buy our lumber. During the non-importation agreement, we did not perish with cold; we found, even then, that among ourselves we could make wherewith to clothe ourselves; we are surely as able to do it now. We then gained our point; we should now be much more powerful with the same weapon: many of her manufacturers are already starving for want of employment. We should add greatly to their distress, and soon bring the Government to their senses, and they will be glad to enter into a commercial treaty with us.
The balance of trade with Great Britain is much against us; and by carrying to Portugal and Spain what we send to them, we should receive cash in return. France will not always be in a storm, and a supply of the manufactured articles we want may soon be received from that quarter.
He did not see to what purpose calculations three hours long had been brought forward. It was very well for merchants to calculate in their counting houses; but he conceived the Legislature should determine the question upon political considerations. He concluded by remarking, that he believed by this time the committee must pretty clearly see that he was in favor of the resolutions.
Mr. Parker considered the resolutions on the table as indefinite and unintelligible. If revenue is the object, we should remember the remark of Dr. Swift, that in the arithmetic of taxation, two and two do not always make four, but sometimes only one. He thought there was a jarring in the third resolution, which contradicted the first. The leading clause of the first resolution, which has occasioned so long a debate, is in these words: "That the interest of the United States would be promoted by further restrictions and higher duties, in certain cases, on the manufactures and navigation of foreign nations employed in the commerce of the United States, than those now imposed." The third resolution which Mr. P. referred to, is in these words: "That the duty on vessels belonging to the nations having commercial treaties with the United States, ought to be reduced to —— per ton." The resolutions meant either too much, or nothing. He would move to amend the first resolution, but that he hoped it would be altogether cast aside.
Mr. S. Smith (of Maryland) rose and apologized to the committee for presuming to intrude upon them a second time by the delivery of his sentiments. He said that a personal attack had been made yesterday upon him in that House. It had met him out of doors, and had gone into the world. After he had done speaking yesterday, a member had risen, and held forth as a fundamental observation, that "gentlemen possessing capitals of their own were in favor of the propositions; but that dealers upon credit were against them." When this remark was made, as he had but just sat down from delivering his negative to the resolutions, he could not help thinking himself aimed at as one of those dealers upon credit. [Here the member referred to rose, and solemnly declared that a personal allusion to Mr. Smith had never entered his mind.] Mr. S. went on to observe, that the whole assertion was erroneous. The merchants of America are men of liberal sentiments—more so, he believed, than merchants of any other part of the world. They are not to be biased by the petty motives of interest, in prejudice to the public interest of their country. The gentleman whom he referred to had spoke of an alarming British influence in some of the commercial cities of America. He had alleged that merchants, by their connection with Britain, would be under its influence; but there was no such thing. In this country, merchants studied the constitution, and were attached to it. In other countries, they minded only profit. As a reflection had been thrown on merchants who dealt upon credit, he should take leave to observe that credit was a very good thing. As to himself, he had before the war began, acquired, by his industry, as much property as placed him beyond the necessity of credit. By the war he was reduced to nothing. After the peace, he again began as he set out at first. By the same industry and the same talents, he had once more acquired independence. By the British buccaneers, he had lost as much, since the present war began, as the gentleman to whom he rose in reply, would think a tolerable fortune for dividing among his sons; yet he could still spare time from his business for the service of his country.
The question was then taken to postpone the subject to the first Monday in March next; and it was resolved in the affirmative—yeas 51, nays 47, as follows:
Yeas.—Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, Thomas Blount, Thomas P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Abraham Clark, Isaac Coles, Henry Dearborn, George Dent, William Findlay, William B. Giles, James Gillespie, Nicholas Gilman, Christopher Greenup, Andrew Gregg, William B. Grove, George Hancock, Carter B. Harrison, John Heath, Daniel Heister, John Hunter, William Irvine, Matthew Locke, William Lyman, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Alexander Mebane, William Montgomery, Andrew Moore, Peter Muhlenberg, Joseph Neville, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Nathaniel Niles, Alexander D. Orr, Josiah Parker, John Patton, Andrew Pickens, Francis Preston, Robert Rutherford, Thomas Scott, John S. Sherburne, John Smilie, Israel Smith, Thomas Spring, Thomas Tredwell, Philip Van Cortlandt, Abraham Venable, Francis Walker, Benjamin Williams, and Joseph Winston.
Nays.—Fisher Ames, James Armstrong, John Beatty, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Lambert Cadwalader, Thomas Claiborne, David Cobb, Peleg Coffin, Joshua Coit, Jonathan Dayton, Samuel Dexter, Thomas Fitzsimons, Uriah Forrest, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, Henry Glenn, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, Samuel Griffin, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Samuel Holten, John Wilkes Kittera, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, Francis Malbone, Joseph McDowell, William Vans Murray, Jeremiah Smith, Samuel Smith, William Smith, Zephaniah Swift, Silas Talbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Jonathan Trumbull, John E. Van Allen, Peter Van Gaasbeck, Peleg Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Artemas Ward, John Watts, Paine Wingate, and Richard Winn.