Mr. Rutherford said, the people of America had an exceeding aversion to the bubble of nobility. He had so much confidence in the wisdom, good sense, and public spirit, of the gentlemen in this House, that he was sure the amendment would be carried by a very great majority. He was equally certain that the amendment of the other gentleman (Mr. Dexter) would be rejected. It went to wound the feelings and alienate the affections of six or eight States in the Union. He was against the yeas and nays. He wished for a silent vote.
Mr. McDowell.—When the gentleman from Massachusetts first brought forward the motion on the table, Mr. McD. could not think he was sincere, from the idea which he had formed of the candor and good sense of that gentleman. But, much to his surprise, Mr. D. persisted in supporting the propriety of his motion, which is not only an indirect attack on the State Governments, but even on the constitution of the United States, and on the members of this House who represent the Southern States. This amendment not only tends to irritate the minds of members, but of thousands of the good citizens in the Southern States, as it affects the property which they have acquired by their industry. Thus it cools their affections towards the Government, as they will find that one part of the Government is about to operate on their property in an indirect way. The gentleman dare not come directly forward, and tell the House, that men who possess slaves are unfit for holding an office under a Republican Government. Mr. McD. recalled to the mind of the House the conduct of the people that compose the Southern States, during the late war, and their struggle for American Independence. He then bade the House review the behavior of their Representatives, under the present Government, and say whether they do not partake more of the Republican spirit than the members from the Eastern States. The latter, also, no doubt had members who did honor to the States which they represented, and to the United States. He thought the amendment of Mr. Dexter partook more of monarchical or despotic principles than any thing which he had seen for some time. What right had the House to say to a particular class of people, you shall not have that kind of property which other people have? This was the language of the motion, and he considered it as highly unjust. Mr. McD. wished the gentleman to consider what might be the consequence of his motion, at this time, when the West Indies are transformed into an immense scene of slaughter. When thousands of people had been massacred, and thousands had fled for refuge to this country, when the proprietors of slaves in this country could only keep them in peace with the utmost difficulty, was this a time for such inflammatory motions? He was amazed that a gentleman of whom he had so high an opinion, could, for a moment, embrace an idea which was, in all points of view, so extremely improper and dangerous.
Mr. Dexter chiefly excused his motion because the other gentlemen had been for taking the yeas and nays. The tenor of his argument seemed to be this: You want to hold us up to the public as aristocrats. I, as a retaliation, will hold you up to the same public as dealers in slaves. Mr. D., however, did not wish to irritate. He, for that reason, withdrew his motion, under the hope that the yeas and nays would not be taken.
Mr. Giles said, that no person could be more anxious than himself to conciliate. But he could not submit to purchase conciliation by sacrificing his opinion, or betraying his duty. He should, on that account, stand by his amendment. It had been said that he called for the yeas and nays for the purpose of holding up to popular detestation a certain party in that House. Such an idea had never entered into his mind. He then commenced a vindication of the propriety of his amendment against the observations of Mr. Bourne, who had, among other things, alleged that it had no proper relation to the spirit of the Naturalization Bill. After defending it, on this quarter, Mr. G. proceeded to answer something that had been alleged yesterday against his amendment. This was that it had been calculated to hold up an idea to the world, that there was a party in that House in favor of Aristocracy. If there is no such party, a general vote for the amendment will prove that this report is without foundation. In reality there is no connection between the amendment and any such scheme. The idea must have been in the head of the member himself. It is not the amendment, but the use which the gentleman makes of it, that can have any tendency that way. Mr. G. never could have thought of such a way of holding up a party. As to the amendment of Mr. Dexter, he, Mr. G., held property sacred, and never could have consented to prohibit the emigrant nobility from having slaves any more than other people. But as for titles of nobility, they were quite a different thing. They were but a name, and people were not obliged even to give them up, unless they wanted to become American citizens. As the call of yeas and nays had given such uncommon uneasiness, he, for his own part, should give it up. He was careless how the vote was taken. The other gentlemen who supported his call might act for themselves.
Mr. Lee said, he hoped that to-day the question would have been taken without further debate; he had no disposition to say any thing more on it, and should have remained silent if his colleague (Mr. Giles) had not made some strictures on the observations which fell from him on the preceding day.
Mr. L. always thought the Eastern and Southern States were well situated to unite on terms of the greatest reciprocal benefit. That, for the good of his own country, he valued such a union above all things. He knew, in particular, that it was highly important to the interests of the people whom he represented, to conciliate the cordial and affectionate esteem of their Eastern brethren. That this was not only important to his constituents, but to the whole State, and all the Southern country; as on it must materially depend the preservation of our Union, which Mr. L. feared was more necessary to our safety and prosperity than to theirs. Mr. L. said, he never saw any reason to suspect the Eastern people of anti-Republican principles; that there was no just ground to accuse them of such principles in any manner. Mr. L. had always thought that the Southern country had no right to claim a superiority over their Eastern brethren in Republican virtue. Mr. L. always lamented that his country was not, in some points, so fortunately situated as the Eastern States; but still, he rejoiced to find just ideas of liberty, and a proper respect to the rights of men, animating all the citizens of it; and in public virtue they had a right to rank with their brethren to the North and East of them. Mr. L. thought that his colleague's strongest argument was the corrupting relation which existed in Europe between noblemen and their dependants. Mr. L. feared that this argument might too readily be extended to the situation of this country, and conclusions very disparaging to their Republican virtue drawn from it, from which he had felt it his duty to vindicate them.
Mr. L. believed that the people throughout America were all animated by an equal zeal for the liberty and happiness of their country. As a person, therefore, anxious to preserve our harmony and union, he always felt pain at any question, which was, in any degree, calculated to excite suspicions of each other, and produce enmity, when concord was so much the interest of all. This proposition had, to his mind, a very denunciating aspect; and, as such, he felt it his duty to discountenance it, and every thing of the same sort, without presuming to ascertain or question the motives or designs of the mover. Mr. L. could not help viewing the motion as capable of guarding us from no one danger, but as well fitted to produce unnecessary alarm and irritation.
Mr. L. was indifferent how the question was decided; but, being a friend to harmony and union, he could by no means countenance by his vote any thing that might be construed to denounce a most respectable and patriotic part of this House.
Mr. Hillhouse observed, that when the amendment was first introduced, he considered it as altogether harmless and unnecessary; but, being friendly to what appeared to be the object of the mover, that is, keeping out privileged orders from among us, he was inclined to vote for it. Yet, upon more mature reflection, he was of opinion that if the provision contained in the amendment had any effect at all, it would be a directly contrary one from what was intended, and would indirectly establish the principle that privileged orders might be introduced and exist among us, a principle which he wholly rejected and reprobated; and, as he did not doubt that the views of the gentleman who moved the amendment were similar to his own on that subject, he hoped that, upon further consideration, he (Mr. Giles) would withdraw it. It was his opinion that the ground upon which foreigners should be admitted to a share in the administration of our Government ought to be narrowed in every possible way, and if the gentleman would so modify the amendment as wholly to exclude that class of foreigners, or any other, from ever becoming citizens, so far as to elect or to be elected to any office, he would most heartily join in giving his vote for it. In those nations where privileged orders are admitted, the benefits and advantages arising from it have been considered as merely local, so that, if a nobleman removes from one nation to another, he is not considered as carrying with him the privileges of his order; as, for instance, if a nobleman from any other nation removes to England, where an hereditary nobility is established by law, and even becomes naturalized, he is not a peer of England; he is no more than a private subject, and can claim nothing on account of his former rank. The Convention who formed our constitution undoubtedly viewed the subject in that light, or they would have been equally anxious to have provided against the importation as of the creation of nobility; but, passing this amendment will, as far as the influence of a law and the opinion of Congress can go, be putting a different and wrong construction upon the constitution, and will be admitting that there may be some other mode of introducing a privileged order or a nobility among us, than the one guarded against in the constitution; for, if a law is passed requiring a person, before he shall be admitted to a certain privilege, to renounce some other privilege, it is clearly admitting that such person does or may possess such privilege, otherwise the law is futile, requiring a person to renounce what he does not or cannot possess.
Mr. J. Wadsworth rose next. He had been up four times before, but, other gentlemen always rising along with him, he had sat down again. Mr. W. said, that a rage against nobility and privileged orders now pervades the whole world. He really did not see the use of this amendment. It put him in mind of an old law which, within his memory, had been in use. When a man had shot himself, his neighbors were not contented with the certainty of his being dead in this world, and damned in the next, but, besides all this, they drove a stake through his body. Mr. W. regarded nobility as in a similar situation with such a man, for nobility appeared to him in the certain road to instant destruction; and this amendment of Mr. Giles, he thought, was like driving in the stake. The latter practice had been laid aside, and he thought that the amendment deserved the same fate. He reminded the House that the time had been when America was very much indebted to nobility, and very glad to see them fight her battles. We might now be taxed with ingratitude on that head, for some of those identical French noblemen, who, during the late war, had rendered us essential service, were now in this country in a state of beggary, subsisting on the charity of their friends. Others of the same noblemen were in dungeons, and some again had got their heads chopped off. He was warranted to say that many of those noblemen, when here, during the war, and long before a French revolution had been talked of, were, in their hearts, as good Republicans as any Americans whatever. We had seen, some time ago, a party spirit rising in the United States. He had observed that the thing was dying away, but the present amendment would afford a new theme. The newspapers are extremely numerous, and he doubted not that the writers in them would embrace so notable an opportunity for exercising their talents. As to the notion that there was a danger of nobility being introduced into this country, the thing was held in such detestation in America, that he had no more apprehension of its obtaining a footing here than he had that there would arise a new race of men without heads, or with their heads placed below their shoulders, or any other unnatural production. In short, he did not know a thing so impossible as the establishment of an American nobility. Knowing this, he regarded the amendment as entirely useless. As to the call for the yeas and nays having an impression on his vote, that was out of the question. He knew his constituents, and they knew him; and they were both too well acquainted with each other for a trifle of this nature to have any influence. To him the call was a matter of the utmost indifference, and he took this opportunity to declare frankly that he should vote against the amendment, whether the yeas and nays were called or not.