Mr. Sedgwick viewed the present motion as even more objectionable than the first; it went directly to a denial of undiminished confidence for the President on the part of the House and the public. There was a time, he said, when no man could have supposed that the period would have arrived, that in the popular branch of the Government, the confidence of the people and their Representatives in that man could have been questioned.
Having been on the committee that framed the answer, and maturely considered the subject in every part, he would mention some of the observations that occurred to his mind particularly in favor of the part now objected to. Lest in the course of them his sensibility on this subject should betray him into some warmth of expression, he begged leave to premise that he wished to wound the feelings of no man.
It was proper, he said, to inquire into facts on which the expression now objected to was grounded. Is the confidence of the people in the services, and patriotism, and wisdom of the Chief Magistrate diminished? His experience led him to say no; then, in the existing circumstances, is it not right for the Representatives to make the declaration to their constituents and the world? To suppose the people, who, at the present moment, enjoyed so many blessings under the President's administration, could feel their confidence in him impaired, would suppose a baseness of disposition unworthy of them and of the services he has rendered. Who could review the glorious conduct of our Chief during the conflict of the Revolution, his unwearied labors for the public good, his bravery, moderation, and humanity; who could observe him in his happy retirement, covered with glory, and accompanied by the blessings of his country; then forsaking his retirement, putting at hazard the mighty mass of his reputation, and be insensible of his services? Who could review the critical situation in which he preserved our peace and prosperity during a glorious administration of six years; who could review these things and not have his heart filled with gratitude and esteem? He expressed his belief, that, a late measure of the Executive was less the object of the dislike of some, than affording the opportunity for the vent of passions and feelings deep-rooted before.
As to the sense of the people of the President, he believed it unaltered, as to his immediate constituents, he was sure it was; and if so, it was the duty of the House to make the declaration to the world—a duty the House owed to themselves and their constituents, and the more binding from the nature of the Government the people had chosen.
Though the President had twice been called to the Presidency by the unanimous and unsolicited voice of his fellow-citizens; though in obedience to that voice he had made a sacrifice no other man would have made; though the only reward he has received for his services has been the approbation of his country, yet, nevertheless, licentious presses had lately teemed with infamous and scandalous abuse of him. Is this, he asked, consonant to the feelings of the House, and shall they not attempt to counteract its effects in the only constitutional manner? Shall they not declare their own and their constituents' confidence undiminished in that officer of the Government?
He has told the Legislature that he wishes to co-operate, to preserve unimpaired the blessings we enjoy. Does the House believe this? then is it wrong to express their confidence?
He believed, he said, that the efforts made to destroy the character of this first of men, instead of producing the mischief intended, would effect the contrary; and he also expressed his belief that the tide of his popularity at the present moment flowed with unusual strength.
It has been intimated, he observed, that sanctioning the vote of confidence, contemplated in the clause of the Address under consideration, would implicate an approbation of a late measure of the Executive, and would preclude the possibility of a free opinion when that measure might come under the consideration of the House. He declared, upon his honor, that he had no intention that the vote now contemplated should have that effect. He did not conceive, that the vote of undiminished confidence, which he now pressed, involved an approbation of all the measures of the Executive; it did not exclude the idea of fallibility; for what man is infallible? It is only implied, according to his conception, an approbation of the general tenor of the conduct of the Executive. When the House express their confidence in a public officer, they cannot mean that they believe him infallible, but only that his character, grounded on his general conduct, receives their approbation.
If, when the Chief Magistrate is attacked in the manner the President has been attacked, he is left to be overwhelmed with unmerited abuse; what man with talents to be useful, a reputation to be injured, or feelings to be wounded—what man will hazard all to serve an ungrateful country? It will render the station of Chief Magistrate sought only by mercenaries. If confidence is denied to the Executive, it will only create vacancies in the high offices of Government to be filled by those harpies who prey upon the vitals of the State.
Another consideration, he said, should have an influence on this occasion. The fame of the Chief Magistrate's character has filled the whole world; the Americans are particularly distinguished as a people for their uniform attachment towards him. If, at this time of day, they indirectly declare their want of confidence in that man, they will justify the malignant predictions which have been uttered against our system of Government.