The motion for the usual allowance was put and carried, and the other blanks of the bill were filled up with the same sums as heretofore allowed to the different officers. The committee rose; the bill then went through the House, and was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time on Monday.
Monday, March 7.
The Treaty with Great Britain.
[The debate on the subject of the Treaty with Great Britain, and of the constitutional powers of the House with respect to treaties, having occupied the time of the House nearly every day for a month, (commencing the 7th of March and ending on the 7th of April,) it is deemed preferable, and as being more acceptable to the reader, to present the whole in one body consecutively, rather than to spread it in detached parts intermixed with other subjects, through the general proceedings of each day. This debate, as here given, possesses a character for authenticity and correctness which does not belong to the newspaper reports of the day, it having undergone the careful revision of the Speakers themselves. The debate which took place on making the provision for carrying the Treaty into effect, will be found subsequently, in the proceedings of each day as the subject came up before the House.][70]
On the second of March, Mr. Livingston, after stating that the late British Treaty must give rise in the House to some very important and constitutional questions, to throw light upon which every information would be required, laid the following resolution upon the table.
"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before this House a copy of the instructions to the Minister of the United States, who negotiated the Treaty with the King of Great Britain, communicated by his Message of the first of March, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to the said Treaty."
March 7.—Mr. Livingston said he wished to modify the resolution he had laid on the table, requesting the President to lay before the House sundry documents respecting the Treaty. It was calculated to meet the suggestions of gentlemen to whose opinions he paid the highest respect, and was founded in the reflection that the negotiations on the twelfth article were probably unfinished; and therefore, he said, a disclosure of papers relative to that or any other pending negotiation, might embarrass the Executive. He wished, therefore, to add, at the end of his former motion, the following words: "Excepting such of said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed."
The motion of Mr. Livingston was then taken up.
Mr. Tracy requested gentlemen in favor of the resolution to give their reasons why the application for papers was to be made.
Mr. Livingston said, he had no wish to conceal his intentions. The motives that impelled him to make the motion, were not such as to make him wish to conceal them, or such as he ought to blush at when discovered. The gentleman from Connecticut wished to know why he had brought this resolution before the House? He did it for the sake of information. That gentleman wished to know to what point this information was to apply? Possibly to all the points he had enumerated. It was impossible, however, to say to which or how many of these points without a recurrence to those very papers. He could not determine now, he said, that an impeachment would be deemed advisable; yet, when the papers are obtained, they may make such a step advisable. It was impossible to declare an impeachment advisable, without having the necessary lights as to the conduct of officers. The House were, on every occasion, the guardians of their country's rights. They are, by the constitution, the accusing organ of the officers employed. The information called for they ought to possess, as it would tend to elucidate the conduct of the officers. His principal reason, however, for proposing the measure, was a firm conviction that the House were vested with a discretionary power of carrying the Treaty into effect, or refusing it their sanction.