"But we could not omit our animadversions on the eighth and ninth articles, as they were so extraordinary in themselves, and as they occasioned so great a stir and uneasiness at that time, as to have brought the whole Treaty of Commerce to miscarry then and ever since.
"Art. IX. That within the space of two months after a law shall be made in Great Britain, whereby it shall be sufficiently provided that not more customs or duties be paid for goods and merchandise brought from France into Great Britain than what are payable for goods and merchandise of the like nature, imported into Great Britain from any other country in Europe; and that all laws made in Great Britain since the year 1664 for prohibiting the importation of any goods or merchandise coming from France, which were not prohibited before that time, be repealed, the general tariff in France, on the 18th of September, in the said year 1664, shall take place there again, and the duties payable in France by the subjects of Great Britain for goods imported and exported, shall be paid according to the tenor of the tariff above mentioned.
"When the said two articles came to be known by the merchants of Great Britain, they were received with the utmost surprise and indignation, and the clamor was loud and universal.
"That the complying with those two articles would effectually ruin the commerce we carried on to Portugal—the very best branch of all our European commerce. That the said eight articles did, in general terms, put France on an equal footing with Portugal or any other of our best allies, in point of commerce."
"This is, in brief, the sum of this mercantile controversy, which when brought into Parliament, it was so apparent that our trade to France had ever been a ruinous one, and that if, in consequence of accepting the said eighth and ninth articles, the British Parliament should consent to reduce the high duties and take off the prohibitions so prudently laid on French commodities, it would effectually ruin the very best branches of our commerce, and would thereby deprive many hundred thousand manufacturers of their subsistence; which was also supported by petitions from many parts of the kingdom: that, although a great majority of that House of Commons was in other respects closely attached to the ministry, the bill for agreeing to the purport of the said two articles was rejected by a majority of nine voices, after the most eminent merchants had been heard at the bar of that House, to the great joy of the whole trading part of the nation, and of all other impartial people."
Thus it must be clearly seen, that the consent of Parliament was not only deemed necessary to the completion of the Treaty, but that that consent was refused, and that in consequence the Treaty fell to the ground, and was not revived for a period of near eighty years, and all notwithstanding the plenitude of the Treaty-making power, said by the best English authority, Blackstone, to be vested in the King; which was, however, he repeated, necessarily checked by the special powers vested in Parliament; for none but they could grant money, or repeal the laws clashing with the provisions of Treaties.
He cited another instance of the exercise of this controlling power in Parliament of even a later date, viz: in the year 1739, in the case of a Treaty between Spain and Great Britain, which was sanctioned by a very small majority indeed in Parliament. He cited a third example from Anderson, vol. vi., page 828, in the case of the Treaty of Commerce between France and Great Britain, to show that the practice of the Parliament's interfering in Treaties is not obsolete.
The following is an article of the said Treaty, which Mr. Gallatin read:
"XIV. The advantages granted by the present Treaty to the subjects of His Britannic Majesty shall take effect, as far as relates to the kingdom of Great Britain, as soon as laws shall be passed there, for securing to the subjects of His Most Christian Majesty the reciprocal enjoyment of the advantages which are granted to them by the Treaty.