Mr. Swanwick said, there need not be a dissenting voice, but we ought to be cautious how we multiply our negotiations, as this could not be done without entering into a negotiation with the Emperor of Germany in the regular way. It is not want of respect that should prevent us, but are we provided to go into all the consequences attending a new negotiation? There is a delicacy in it, of which we ought to be careful. There is not the least doubt but the President has as much desire for his release as any gentleman, but he, no doubt, deliberated, and saw the danger of it. Mr. S. said he lamented our foreign negotiations in toto. There was no good derived from them, and he could not anticipate any from new ones.
Mr. Nicholas said, he felt as much disposition to take measures for his release as any man, but he thought the business undertaken too hastily. Suppose you give instructions to the President, and he does not think proper to act on it, so far from being a compliment to Lafayette, it would hurt his mind, should he hear it had been agitated.
Mr. Claiborne saw no difficulty attending the resolution. He hoped the House would render this essential service to the unfortunate sufferer, if even in the last hour of the Congress.
Mr. Christie said, it was an improper time to take up the resolution, but as they had to sit there two or three hours longer and no business to do, this might as well occupy the attention of the House as not.
Mr. Livingston would be sorry to impose a burden upon the country, but he thought this a duty incumbent on them. He hoped gentlemen would openly come forward and avow their sentiments, and not shelter themselves under the previous question. Remember, he came here from the pompous ease of a foreign court; he voluntarily served the cause of America, and bled for her; he, in a great measure, procured the interest which formed the alliance with France in our defence; besides spending a princely fortune in our cause, he asked nothing, nor would accept any compensation for his services: and now he is abandoned to the most dreadful situation possible; some of that compensation, justly due to his services, is refused him as a balm to his former woes by not attempting his release. This is the situation of the man for whom this House is asked only to express their desire for his comfort; this is the man who was met with pleasure in every part of the United States; all the people rejoiced to express their gratitude to him; he was accompanied with testimonials of admiration and thanks from the whole Continent: and now we should not say that we will feel with pleasure measures taken towards obtaining his liberty! We can pity him, and regret his situation, but refuse to lend him the least assistance to soothe his distress. We do not call upon the House to vent its infantine sorrow, to show its womanish pity. No. We call on it to express a will, predominant throughout the United States, in the behalf of this unfortunate man. But it is said that we should get the ill will of the nations who persecuted him. Unless they bid adieu to all the tender feelings of humanity, they never can take offence. It has been also supposed it would be ineffectual; he had no doubt but the Executive would take those measures which would be most effectual and least endangering to the nation; it could not make the situation of the sufferer worse, and if we succeed in procuring his liberty, it would give pleasure to every heart who can sympathize with the distressed, or feel gratitude for high obligations: and if it does not have that happy effect, still we may feel consolation at having done our duty. If these measures were taken, it would illuminate the loathsome horrors of a dungeon the most dreadful; it would sweep away the reproach "that Republicans know no gratitude;" that we, who had his best exertions whilst in prosperity, do not forget him in adversity. Mr. L. said he really believed that if he had not known the principles of liberty here, and helped us in our struggle for it, he would have never existed in misery in the dungeon at Olmutz, and therefore the highest obligations were laid on the United States to exert herself in his behalf.
Mr. Heath hoped, that, although the gentleman had labored to excite the pathetic, yet he would not charge the House with a want of Republicanism if the measure was not adopted. Mr. H. thought it extremely improper to be introduced in the House. He said the President knew the will of the United States on the subject, and therefore, if he saw proper, he could take it up. He hoped the gentleman would remember this was a complicated case; for, since he had left this country, he had become a citizen of another country. Mr. H. said he felt for his unfortunate situation: he had fought under his banner. We are not to be charged with a want of patriotism and feeling for this suffering hero, because we think it imprudent to interest and involve ourselves in his behalf, merely to indulge the flighty fancy of a few individuals. We might go, said he, and address the President to exert himself as far as he saw proper in his behalf, as a body of individuals, but not as a Legislature.
Mr. W. Smith could see no kind of impropriety in the measure. It had been said it was a new subject, and, therefore, ought not to be taken up now; but it was not introduced yesterday! Did gentlemen want an age to express an opinion which every member feels—which the whole nation feels? The motion only went to express a wish that measures may be taken according to the judgment of the Executive: if he had a thought or wish to adopt measures, this would encourage him to carry them into effect. Europe might feel a pleasure that we interested ourselves in his behalf. Did he not embark his all for this country? It has been well said, said Mr. S., that if the motion had been made in 1779 or 1780, no previous question would then have been called—no opposition then made. Read the journals of the National Representation for 1780 and 1783: there we find one member from each State was appointed to take leave of him in behalf of the whole. [Mr. S. here read the journals of that time, which insert at length the proceeding, address, and answer, attending the transaction.] There, said he, they expressed their zeal for his future welfare, and gratitude for his favors, accompanying it with a letter to the French King, requesting him to bestow his favors upon him. From the frequent respectful mention made of his services on the journals of the House, there appears to have been much attention paid to his services by Congress. Even the Parliament of Great Britain, he said, had discussed the question of his confinement; and should this House refuse, who are so much obliged by his services? Nothing that had been said, in opposition to it, could convince him but that we were called upon, by every tie of gratitude, to adopt the measure. The satisfaction of knowing that his services are not forgotten may render him more comfortable in his dungeon—may follow him into the deserts of Siberia, or wherever the cruel hand of oppression may send him.
Mr. Madison did not think there was time to do all the business requisite to render due justice to the motion, and he hoped the House would do more than was intended by the motion. He believed the only regular mode would be to appoint a committee to bring in a bill. He therefore moved that the House go into committee for that purpose.
Mr. Sitgreaves said, according to the motion there was no necessity for this mode, as it was of a nature not to require the aid of another branch of the Legislature; it was quite sufficient if the House passed the resolution. He was sorry to hear the previous question called for to get rid of the subject, but he hoped it would not prevail: he thought this motion required early attention. He said attention was due to Lafayette; America was highly indebted to him. It is a debt of justice, and ought to be paid; and while this House delays to interpose in his behalf he must remain in confinement. Those gentlemen who thought the House ought to interpose should think this is the very time, if any good is intended to be done: he therefore hoped they would not delay.
Mr. Harper said, if the subject was on the sending an ambassador to negotiate for the liberation of this man, it might with more propriety be opposed. He was surprised that any gentleman in the House should be opposed to expressing a wish for measures to be taken which may prove effectual for that purpose.