Mr. Giles presumed it was the object of the committee to bring into view a comparison of ideas in some shape or other, and he thought the amendment proposed was calculated to produce this effect. If he understood the Answer as reported, it was predicated upon the principle of approving all the measures which had been taken by the Executive with respect to France, whilst the amendment avoided giving that approbation. The simple question was, which of the two grounds the House would take? He believed the best way of ascertaining this, would be to move to insert, and if the amendments were carried, to recommit the report, to be made conformable to them.
Mr. Gallatin said, when an amendment was carried which affected other parts of a composition, it was not usual to strike out, but to recommit.
The Chairman having declared the motion to be in order,
Mr. Nicholas said, the present crisis was, in his mind, the most serious and important which this country had known since the declaration of its independence; and it would depend much, perhaps, upon the Answer which they were about to return to the Speech of the President, whether we were to witness a similar scene of havoc and distress to that which was not yet forgotten; such as had been passed through upon an important occasion, but such as could be entered upon only as a last resource. The situation in which we stood with respect to France called for the most judicious proceeding; it was his wish to heal the breach, which was already too wide, by temperate, rather than widen it by irritating measures. He hoped, on this occasion, they should get rid of that irritation which injury naturally produced on the mind. He declared he felt for the insult which had been offered to Mr. Pinckney; and he felt more for him, from the dignity with which he had borne it, which had proved him a proper character for the embassy. He was sorry that it should have been thought necessary by the French Republic to refuse to acknowledge him as the Minister of this country; but he did not think it right to suffer this first impression to influence their proceedings upon this business. If the insults offered were a sufficient cause for war, let the subject be examined by itself, separate from all others; but, if it be our wish to proceed with negotiation, he thought it wisest and best to adopt a firm but moderate tone.
As he before observed, he felt for the situation of the gentleman employed by this country; he thought it was a trying one, and did great honor to himself, and he deserved the thanks of his country for the good temper with which he had sustained it; but Mr. N. confessed the subject did not strike him with all the force with which it seemed to have impressed the mind of that respectable character. He did not consider the insult offered to Government as going further than the ill-treatment which our Minister had received. He believed that the circumstances, which appeared in the papers laid before them, in some degree accounted for the conduct of the French Government. It appears that at first the Directory were willing to receive Mr. Pinckney, but when they saw his credentials they refused to acknowledge him. This circumstance, he said, seemed to give a character to the transaction which explained its meaning.
It will be recollected, said Mr. N., that since the cause, or imagined cause (let it be one or the other) of complaint against this country, that there has been an intercourse between the two Governments on this subject. It was to be expected that if there had been any intention in Government to have come to an adjustment of the difference between the two countries, our Minister would have been clothed with some power of accommodation. Mr. N. supposed that when the French Directory agreed to receive him, this was their opinion; but upon seeing his letters of credence, they found no such power was given or intended. [He read the object of his mission from the President's Speech, viz: "faithfully to represent," &c.]
If these, he said, were all the objects expressed in his letters of credence—and if there had been more, the President would doubtless have informed them of it—the matter perfectly justified the character he had given of it.
He made these observations, because he thought on an occasion like the present, the truth should be made to appear, and though an insult had been offered to this country, which could not fail to produce irritation, yet that irritation should stop short of the point where it would produce action, as he was certain any steps taken which might hazard the peace of the country, would not conduce to the welfare of its citizens.
There was a subject, he said, which seemed to have involved itself with this, and of which he should take some notice, viz: a charge against certain persons with being attached to the French cause. It might, perhaps, be the opinion of some members of that House, more particularly of strangers, that he was improperly influenced by party zeal in favor of the French, a zeal which it had been blazoned forth existed to an immoderate degree in this country. He had frequently heard insinuations of this sort, which he considered so groundless as to be worthy only of contempt; but when charges of this kind were made in the serious manner in which they were now brought forward, it was necessary to call for proof. Who, said he, is the man who has this proof? He knew of none. For his own part, he had no intercourse with the French but of the commonest kind. He wished those who possessed proofs of improper conduct of this kind, would come forward and show them—show who are the traitors of whom so much is said. He was not afraid of the impressions any such charges brought against him, might make upon his constituents, or where he was known; indeed, he had not the arrogance to believe the charge was levelled against him, though he believed he was frequently charged with a too great attachment to the French cause.