Before he went further, he would observe that, admitting (which he did not admit) that there had been solid grounds of objection against the British Treaty, before it was ratified, yet they ought now to be closed. It had received a full discussion at the time; it had been carried into effect, was become the law of the land, and was generally approved of by the country. Why, then, endeavor to stir up the feelings of the public against it by alleging it to be just cause of complaint? If the committee wanted any proof of the approbation which that instrument had received, he thought it might be gathered from the general approbation which had been given of the administration of the late President on his retirement from office, in doing which the people had doubtless taken into view the whole of his conduct. Nor did he think the people had shown any hostility to the Treaty in their late election of members to that House. Indeed, he believed that the approbation which the Treaty received increased in proportion as the subject came to be understood.
Admitting further, that the Treaty had changed the existing state of things between Great Britain and France, by having granted commercial favors to Great Britain; by the 2d article of our treaty with France, the same favors would immediately attach to France, so that she could have no reason to complain on that ground. Indeed France had herself new modified the treaty between that country and this, and had taken to herself what she deemed to be the favors granted to Great Britain. [Mr. S. read the decree on this subject of 2d March last.]
Mr. S. said, he believed he had examined all the observations of the gentleman from Virginia, relative to the Treaty, which were essential to the subject under consideration. He did not wish to go much farther on the present occasion, because he agreed with him, that it was proper they should keep themselves as cool and calm as the nature of the case would admit; but he thought whilst so much deference was paid to the feelings of France, some respect ought to be paid to the feelings of America. He hoped the people of America would retain a proper respect and consideration for their national character; and however earnestly he wished that the differences subsisting between the two countries might be amicably settled, yet, he trusted that our national dignity would never be at so low an ebb as to submit to the insults and indignities of any nation whatever. In saying this, he expressed his hearty wish to keep the door of negotiation with France unclosed; but at the same time he strongly recommended to take every necessary step to place us in a situation to defend ourselves, provided she should still persist in her haughty demeanor.
Mr. S. said, as he knew indecent and harsh language always recoiled upon those who used it, he did not wish to adopt it; but, at the same time, it was due to ourselves to express our feelings with a proper degree of strength and spirit. He was not in the habit of quoting any thing from M. Genet, but there was one expression of his which he thought contained good advice, "all this accommodation and humility, all this condescension attains no end."
After the gentleman from Virginia had dwelt sufficiently upon the danger of irritating the French, he had emphatically called upon us to recollect our "weakness." It might have been as well if he had left that to have been discovered from another quarter. He hoped we had sufficient confidence in the means of defence which we possessed, if driven to the last resort; and he believed if there was any one more certain way of provoking war than another, it was that of proclaiming our own weakness.
He hoped such a language would now be spoken as would make known to the French Government that the Government and people of this country were one, and that they would repel any attempt to gain an influence over our Councils and Government. The gentleman had said that there did not appear to be any design of this kind, and had endeavored to do away what was stated as the opinion in France, in General Pinckney's letter. He did not mean to rest this altogether upon the reports of an emigrant, whom General Pinckney mentions as having represented this country divided, and of no greater consequence than Genoa or Geneva, but he took the whole information into view. [He read the extract relative to this subject.]
It was evident, Mr. S. said, from this information from France, that an opinion had been industriously circulated there that the Government and people of this country were divided; that the Executive was corrupt and did not pursue the interests of the people; and that they might, by perseverance, overturn the Administration, and introduce a new order of things. Was not such an opinion of things, he asked, calculated to induce France to believe that she might make her own terms with us? It was well known what the French wished, and it was time to declare it plainly. His opinion was that they designed to ruin the commerce of Great Britain through us. This was evident. They talk of the British Treaty; but they suffered it to lie dormant for near twelve months, without complaining about it. Why were they silent till within a few weeks before the election of our President? Why did they commit spoliations upon our commerce long before the British Treaty was ever dreamt of? Their first decree, directing spoliations of our property, and the capture of our provision ships, was on the 9th of May, 1793, a month before the provision order of Great Britain, which was dated June 8, 1793; and why have they, from that time to this, been committing spoliations on our commerce? The British Treaty was published in Paris in August, 1795; a year after, in July, 1796, they determine to treat us in the same way that we suffer other nations to treat us, and this decree was not made known to our Government till the October following, a few weeks before the election of President.
But this was not all; the French had pursued similar measures towards all the other neutral powers. Sweden, in consequence, had no Minister in their country, and was on the eve of a rupture. The intention of the French evidently was, to compel all the neutral powers to destroy the commerce of Great Britain; but he trusted this country had more spirit than to suffer herself to be thus forced to give up her commerce with Great Britain; he trusted they would spurn any such idea.
Mr. S. hoped the observations which he had made would not be construed into a wish to see the United States and France involved in a war. He had no objection to such measures being taken for preserving peace between the two countries as should be consistent with national honor. It was a delicate thing for them to suggest what the Executive ought to do. It was out of their province to direct him. The Executive had various considerations to take into view. We had injuries to complain of against France, for the spoliations committed upon our commerce. If the Executive conceive we have a right to redress, that subject will of course constitute a part of our Envoy's instructions. Would it then be proper, said he, for this House to interfere with the Executive, to obtrude its opinion and say, "You must give up this point; we take upon us (without any authority by the constitution) to give carte blanche to France, without any indemnification or redress."
The gentleman says it is the object of the amendment on the table to recommend to the Executive to remove any inequalities in the treaties; that was alone sufficient to vote it out.