The effect at present has been, that no sooner had the committee appointed to draft an Address made a report, than the gentleman from Virginia proposed a substitute, which, according to his idea, was more proper. A warm debate had taken place, and he believed that either might be adopted without effect, as they were merely a form of words leading to no conclusion. Suppose a majority of one was obtained on the report, what end would be produced? None; for it might be that the very persons who voted on this general question, might vote against particular subjects when they came under consideration; as every one would recollect the difficulties which had been experienced in getting three frigates built, and this difficulty, he doubted not, would again occur. Since, however, these two forms of an Answer were before them, and they were called upon to say which they would adopt, it might be proper to go into some consideration of the subject.
The difference between the two productions seemed to be, that the one reported seemed to express great indignity on account of the injuries received from the French Republic, and a determination to repel them; that produced by the gentleman from Virginia was of a more conciliatory tone, recommending to the President to begin his negotiations with placing the French Republic on the same ground with the other belligerent powers; so that the difference was simply as it respected a few words.
What were the arguments in favor of the warm tone? They were told it would have a great effect on the French Republic, because if a spirited Answer were given to the President's communication, signifying (as his colleague Mr. Sitgreaves had strongly expressed it) that we were determined to die in the last ditch, it would strike them with terror. If he thought this effect could be really produced, it might be some inducement for him to agree to it.
Mr. S. remarked, that they were told by Mr. Pinckney, in his letter to the Secretary of State, that it was probable that two events had contributed to his dismissal from the French Republic, viz: one, the victories of Bonaparte in Italy, the other, the Addresses of the Senate and House of Representatives in answer to the Speech of the President at the last session. With respect to the Answers alluded to, no opinion could be formed from this assertion, because, though that of the House of Representatives was tolerably moderate, yet that of the Senate was as warm as any thing could be produced. He read extracts from both, and compared them with each other, giving the credit which, in his opinion, was due to the most moderate.
The first and most necessary step to be taken was, to put all the belligerent powers upon the same footing, which could not be an offence to any. But it was said that to recommend this measure to the Executive, was to dictate to him; that it was carrying humility on the front of the Minister who should be employed. What! said Mr. S., would it be to carry humility in his front to say, "I come to place you on the same footing with the most favored nation?" It certainly could not; since it was the language of right reason, of justice.
As to dictating to the Executive, could it be called dictating when we merely express our opinion and advice to him, on points which he has himself laid before us; and, in order to deliberate on which we were thus unusually called together? Very low and debasing, indeed, must be the situation of this House, if they were to be muzzled and prevented from laying their sentiments before the Chief Magistrate of the Union! When treaties are made, we are told they are laws over which we have no power. If we dare not speak on the subject before they are made, is this House reduced merely to the odious task of laying taxes, without being allowed to exercise its sense on any other public measures connected with them? Why does the President communicate these things to us, if we are not allowed to express any sentiments about them? Why do the people elect their representatives all over this widely extended empire, if, when they are convened, they are not allowed the privilege of expressing their opinions on the dearest interests of their constituents? But it is stated that this will create division among the branches of the Government, who ought always to act and think alike. Were this the case, there was no use to divide the Government, as our constitution does, into three branches; they might all have been left in one, and then no accident of this kind would have happened; but the fact is, this very division of the branches was devised in order that they might operate as checks on each other. The people thought it better that a division of this kind should prevent acting at all, than that we should act hastily and unadvisedly. Thus when a law, after mature deliberation, passes this House as wise and good, the Senate were not obliged on this account to see it in the same light; they judge for themselves, and, if they see cause, reject it, and no complaint takes place on our part because they do so. In another Government, indeed that of England, all the branches have been contrived into the most perfect union, Kings, Lords, and Commons, all agree, but has the Government been the better for this? Happy had it been for that nation, had this not been the case. Many an unwise measure they have gone into, might then, fortunately for the nation, have been totally prevented.
But it has been said we ought to express the highest indignation at the conduct of France. Let us examine for a moment on what this is founded. Three grounds have been mentioned; the dismission of our Minister, the spoliations on our ships, and the interference with our Government, in attempting to divide the people from it. As to the first, the dismission of our Minister, said Mr. S., nobody can feel more sensibly than I do, this indignity; but it only leads me to regret, as I have often already expressed my regrets, at our sending so many diplomatic gentlemen to Europe. Wretched will be our case, if we are embroiled whenever these gentlemen shall be refused, or uncivilly treated. All history is full of instances of wars, founded on such points of etiquette as these, and they admonish us against employing embassies, as much as possible, to avoid these dangers from our foreign connections. But it seems, the Directory, by Mr. Pinckney's letter, at the same time sent away thirteen other foreign Ministers; yet we do not hear that these nations went to war on this account. One of them was Sweden, a very powerful maritime nation, possessed of a considerable fleet; her Minister was dismissed; she contented herself with sending away the French Minister also, and here the dispute ended. But, surely allowance ought also to be made for the present revolutionary state of France. If all things do not proceed there with the order they ought, it is perhaps because of their present warlike and revolutionary position, which cannot but mend every day, and should induce us to make some allowance for them.
Mr. Livingston said that, having listened to the gentlemen who had preceded him with the most respectful attention, and heard their ardent expressions of patriotism and the lively sense which they entertained of the true dignity of our Government, he should not attempt to follow them into a field which had been exhausted, but would leave it to the consideration of the committee and his country to determine upon his sentiments and the measures which he should suggest whether he was not equally disposed with others to promote the peace and honor, the happiness and security of his country and Government; he would leave it for his measures to speak for him; he would not be led away by any idle or extraneous vanity from objects so solemn and important; he should speak freely as became an American at a crisis so very pressing. First, then, he should notice the Address that was before the committee, and the amendment which had been proposed to be made to it; he was sorry to observe the manner in which they had been discussed. It had been considered, on one side, that to adopt any language in reply to the Address but that which has been laid before the committee in the report, would amount to a surrender of all our rights, privileges, and independence, as a nation, to France; on the other, it has been held that the differences between us and France are distorted, and that we should at least not shut up every avenue to negotiation by an obstinate and blind assertion of our own infallibility. If he believed with those of the former opinion, that we should in any shape incur the stigma of degrading ourselves, or if he suspected even that we should sacrifice one right of our country or Government by an adoption of the amendment proposed, or he thought we should not endanger our national character and safety by the adoption of the report, he should most certainly reject the amendment and adopt the report; or if he believed, with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Otis,) that the demands of France now were any wise analogous to those of Great Britain on a former occasion, sooner than consent to a dereliction of independence and national character he would not stop short of the language of that report; but as he could not force his judgment to so outrageous a misconstruction, as he saw on the contrary numerous reasons to entertain a very different opinion, he would not consent to incur the perils and the errors in which that report would involve us; he could not consent to so hasty, so precipitate, and inconsiderate a step.
The question properly before the House at this time is, whether we shall continue to express so perfect a reliance on all the acts of our own Government; whether we shall say obstinately to France that there is no possible case in which our judgment could have been misled or mistaken in our conduct towards her; and, by determining to adhere to our former conduct, preclude every possibility to an amicable adjustment; or leave a reasonable opportunity open for an effectual discussion and adjustment of differences, wherever they may subsist.
The scope of the Speech of the President to both Houses, it must be confessed, goes to bind us to the former conduct; and it is too evident that the report, in strict coincidence with the sentiments of several, but not all its supporters, bears that same dangerous tendency. From which line of conduct are we to expect the most beneficent issue, to treat with a complaining power by a determination to show that its complaints are groundless, or by examining the complaints and the evidence in amicable negotiation and deciding afterwards? Let us examine the complaints of France, and then determine whether they are all so frivolous as to excite irritation at the mere mention of them; unless we are so convinced, unless we are thoroughly satisfied that they are so, we cannot vote the Answer as it is reported. Should we discover in such an examination that some of our measures have been founded at least in mistake, would it then be proper to adopt the language of the Address? But should we persist under such a possibility of mistake, what do we risk? an evil much more fatal than the worst that could follow the most sober resolution which we can now adopt; we risk the alternative of abandoning it after a war in which we may be sufferers, and after we may have retarded the increasing prosperity of our country half an age. We have an example before us in a nation that was eager to snatch at a remote pretext for an assumed interference in her Government; we have seen that nation, among the most powerful and haughty in Europe, the most vain of her dignity, (real or unreal,) the most apt to interfere in the government of others; we have seen her enter into a war, and we have seen her driven to the lowest state of humiliation; we have seen her obliged to pursue the most abject means of solicitation to obtain a peace from that very nation whom she had irritated to a war; and we saw her more humiliated still, by the rejection of those propositions which she had made to obtain peace. Have we a better prospect than that nation? Are our means equal to hers? Are we, indeed, ready to embark in a war—with France, too—and present such a lesson to the world as America at war with France, after France has defeated the efforts of all the world? He again asked, have we the means? Let gentlemen who are willing to plunge us into that dilemma make the reply; but let not gentlemen indulge in so hateful a picture. But, although we have no means, he was still against surrendering the honor of our country; fortunately, no such sacrifice is demanded, no such measure is necessary; and were we ten times more destitute even than we are, he should never submit to our national degradation, were there a power so insolent as to expect it.