Though he thought France had just ground of complaint against this country, he did not mean to justify her conduct towards us. He thought she ought to have received our Ministers; and, if they had not agreed, to have taken such measures as they thought proper. But this is supposing our Ministers clothed with sufficient powers; if they were not, there would be some ground of justification for their conduct. The President of the United States is in the possession of information which would satisfy the Congress and the people in this respect, but he has thought proper to withhold it, and therefore he alone is responsible. There was one circumstance, he said, very unaccountable in this business. The President informed the House that he had received certain papers, and says, "I have considered these papers; I have deliberated upon them; I have not sent them to you, but require you to act upon them; I call upon you to take energetic measures, and request you will provide sufficient revenue." The House has been thus obliged to take up the subject in the dark. Is this, said he, a desirable state for the Legislature to be placed in? Is it not rather a degraded state? He thought it was; and when party rage shall subside, and it shall be seen that the Executive is pursuing hostile measures, and keeping back all information from Congress, this conduct would be deemed extraordinary. He was far from saying the Executive had not done what was proper. He could not say so, because he had seen no evidence upon which to form a judgment; but it left a strong impression on his mind that something was not correct, which was the reason the expected papers were not sent.
He also again referred to what the President says in his late Message with respect to the change of circumstances, which he still thinks he meant to apply to a change from neutrality in the country to something like war. And in these circumstances, said he, are the people of the United States to be led on from step to step, until they are irrevocably involved in war? And are the people to be told that this is a trifling question? When all the country is in commotion, and when the people are preparing their petitions for peace, (which he thought very proper,) he was not willing to proceed until the present question was decided.
He would suggest another idea. He had heard a variety of observations from different quarters, that at a period not very far distant from the present, a more intimate connection between this country and Great Britain than at present exists, is likely to take place. And yet gentlemen are perpetually crying, What! give up your independence! Do you prefer peace to independence? He would answer, No; for independence he should be ready at all times to make war. But are we, said he, called upon to fight for speculative independence, and, at the same time, willing to commit our real independence to the mercy of another nation? Where, he asked, is the difference between depending upon the French or British nation? Except, indeed, (as he believed was the speculative opinion of some gentlemen,) there was an intention of assimilating the British and American Governments.
Gentlemen talked of newspapers. He would say a word on that subject. There are two papers, said he, printed in this city, which not only breathe defensive, but offensive war of the worst kind. One of these papers, he believed, was particularly countenanced by the Government; the other was printed by an infamous scoundrel, a British subject—a paper which he was sorry to find too much countenanced. This paper not only breathes war, but exterminating war. And this paper issued from a British press, spreads its baneful sentiments throughout the country. He proclaimed this fact; and he should think himself a traitor to his country, not to proclaim it.
Mr. G. would say a few words as to the effect which the late French decree would be likely to produce upon this country. The committee had been told, by the gentleman from South Carolina, that it would effectually destroy our revenue. He believed he was mistaken in this. To France and to those nations who may be supposed to be under her influence, we last year exported to the amount of $36,000,000, and to Great Britain $8,000,000; two-thirds of which are re-exported to the countries above mentioned.
Against whom, then, are we to arm? Against those who receive $36,000,000, for the protection of the $8,000,000, two-thirds of which are re-exported. How, he asked, would this operate? Would the decree stop the importation of British goods? No, it might lessen them, but would not stop them, as the British would become, in some measure, their own carriers; and, as their vessels paid a higher duty in our ports than our own, it is probable our revenue would not be greatly lessened. It was possible, however, that there might be some abuse of the decree in carrying it into execution.
He was as much opposed to the decree of the Executive Directory as any man, but not so much on account of any loss we shall sustain from it, as from its being an attack upon our neutral rights, which he preferred to money. The British Treaty had authorized two acts that took place in January last, which will transfer the carrying trade from American to British vessels; but those acts will not affect our vessels going to France, Spain, or Holland. He supposed, therefore, that our commerce would not be very materially injured by the French Decree. He did not know but it would even be upon a better footing than at present, as there would be more security for it. At any rate, no rash measures ought to be taken, until we see how the decree is to be executed.
He trusted the gentleman from South Carolina was, by this time, pretty well satisfied as to the inaccuracy of his statement. Before gentlemen make charges of inconsistency against others, they should be sure that they themselves stand firm in that respect. That gentleman ought to have looked back upon his own conduct in 1792 and 1793. He had been informed that that gentleman was at that time a member of an affiliated society of Jacobins. [Mr. Harper said it was not true.] He believed, however, all the gentlemen who knew him at that time would do him the credit to say, that he was one of the most eloquent declaimers of that day in favor of the rights of man. But his inconsistency had even appeared within these two days. When the present proposition was first laid on the table, he rejoiced that there was a prospect of all uniting in manifesting a disposition for peace; but the next day he used arguments which went to the destruction of the resolution.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Gen. Shepard) had made a remark which he must notice; it was, that he assumed to dictate to others what was proper to be done. Of this he was not justly chargeable. That gentleman told the committee he was a warrior; he venerated him as such—he was a warrior in a glorious cause; but whilst he venerated him as a soldier, he had to regret the political prejudices under which he labored, which could suffer him to attribute a motive of that kind to him. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Brooks) had also told the committee he had also been in service in the Revolution. This he did not know before he heard it from the gentleman himself. But he had since been told he was engaged in the honorable and humane employment of clothier to the army. [Mr. Brooks said, he had the honor of taking up arms in the defence of his country, which he carried until he was taken prisoner. He was a prisoner eighteen months, and when he was set at liberty he found his vacancy was not preserved for him. He then served his country in a different line, and he believed in a manner which entitled him to at least as much merit as he had assumed. He believed that providing the army with clothing was an essential part of the service; but, (said he, with great warmth,) if the gentleman doubts my being a soldier, I am here to answer him. A loud cry of order, and Mr. B. sat down.]
Mr. G. said, he had received this information from one of the gentleman's friends. He made the inquiry, because he did not know what services he had performed; and he assured him the information which he had received had tended to raise, rather than to sink him in his estimation; but he was not alarmed at being told he was a soldier.