Mr. Harper confessed himself very much alarmed at this motion. He saw in it, and in the arguments of the gentleman from Pennsylvania in support of it, the second leaf of the book for keeping this country in an utterly defenceless state—and another attempt made to render those measures which had been taken nugatory, by effectually tying our hands; and therefore it was that he saw this motion made with grief and astonishment, by his friend from Massachusetts, whose motives he could not suspect.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania, said Mr. H., reasons as if we were in a state of profound peace, and as if we had nothing to apprehend from abroad; as if all our disputes were settled, and we had nothing to do but pay the expense of the preparations of defence gone into, and then at all future times we should rest in security. This was the basis of his speech, and he could not entertain so low an opinion of his understanding as to believe he thought it a good one. That gentleman must know, every one must know, that this country is not in a settled state of things, but that we are threatened, and speedily, with a war. No longer ago than yesterday the House was informed that our Ministers had presented their final memorial, and that if they did not soon receive an answer to it, they should give up their mission and return home. Far from desisting from her attacks upon our commerce, France goes on increasing them. Her former violations of right have been greatly increased. They had been told by the papers on the table of the subjugation of our country, of the fate of Venice and of Hamburgh. She talks of sending frigates against us, of ravaging our coasts; she has spoken of internal divisions, of a party in this country on which she can rely. We had heard, though not officially, that orders had been issued for taking all our vessels, and executing our citizens as pirates, yet gentlemen sit down with counting-house exactness to calculate the amount which it will take to defend ourselves. This was, however, perfectly consistent with the rest of the conduct of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, because he has constantly set his face against every measure of effectual defence, though he has constantly talked of being willing to concur in what he considered measures of defence.
But will the House thus be acted upon? He trusted not. He could not relinquish the pleasing persuasion that a majority of this House is determined to defend this country against a foreign foe, that they are desirous of protecting their property, their wives, and their children, and that they will rend from their eyes the veil which the gentleman from Pennsylvania has endeavored to cast over them. That they will defend themselves against a foe who relies upon our weakness, upon our calculations of avarice, upon the exertions of men among us who are to paralyze all our efforts to defend ourselves, and upon a prostrate colonial spirit in this country. The existence of this spirit would be confirmed were the present motion adopted. Why? Because the complete defence of the country is not to be effected by two millions of dollars. Mr. H. recapitulated what had been done by way of defence; but said these amounted to nothing, they were only measures of precaution a commencement of defence, and if those events take place which all think probable, a much larger sum of money will be wanted. Mr. H. said it would be seen, by the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, that they did not take into view the expense which might be incurred for the military defence of the country, either by a provisional army, or by detachments of militia. And would any one say that it would be proper to rise without providing a military defence for the country? Or could they say that no part of the 80,000 militia, ordered to be held in readiness, would not be called into service? Or would it be proper to sit down, satisfied that our enemy will not invade us, though they see we are not prepared to meet them? He hoped not.
Mr. Otis wished to inquire of his colleague, before he proceeded to make any observations, whether he would consent to withdraw his motion, and admit of another in its place; but as he did not see him in his place, he would state what his proposition was. He supposed it was the object of his colleague to prevent the tax from being permanent. He knew that gentleman too well to believe he wished to render the tax futile. He proposed, therefore, instead of this amendment, to retain the word "annually," and to add "until all loans that may be authorized by law on the credit of such tax be reimbursed."
Soon after the late despatches from our Ministers were read to this House, and the common sense of the community was convinced of the necessity there was for immediately going into measures of defence, speaking of the agreeable unanimity which seemed to prevail in the House, it was prophesied to him, by men who had been much longer in this body than himself, that, notwithstanding all this appearance, yet certain gentlemen in the House would take care so to embarrass the detail of the business, that they might just as well have refused to assent to the principle. [Mr. Dana hoped these remarks were not meant to apply to the mover of the present proposition.] Mr. O. said he felt some difficulty in speaking on this subject, from the motion coming from the quarter whence it came; but he trusted his friend would not apply these remarks to himself. [Mr. Venable hoped the gentleman did not mean to insinuate that any gentleman was actuated by improper motives. The Speaker said it was improper to speak of motives.] Mr. O. added, that his object was to show that the opposition made to this tax would have nearly the same effect as voting against it in the first instance; for he doubted whether a shilling could be got upon it, if passed in this way. Perhaps many wish that this should be the case; they may think the money is not wanted. If there was any wisdom in thus acting, he could not see it, and therefore could not give gentlemen that credit for their actions which they may think they deserve. Mr. O. expressed his astonishment that gentlemen who were two or three years ago in favor of a land tax, should now be wholly opposed to it. He also added that he had heard another prophecy, which was that many gentlemen who were always averse to a land tax would not now agree to it, but attempt to defeat it, however willing they were to go into measures of defence for the country, when those measures were unconnected with the raising of money. He hoped this would not come true.
Mr. R. Williams observed, it was a fortunate circumstance that the present motion was made by the gentleman from Massachusetts, though, even that circumstance could not secure gentlemen from abuse; for though his friends cannot but allow the mover's motives are pure, yet they have imputed the worst views to those who support it.
The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Harper) has, as is usual with him, consumed one-half of his speech in censuring the conduct of members of this House, because they do not agree with him in opinion as to what is the proper defence of this country, and in recounting what France has done in Europe.
As to what that gentleman had said with respect to motives, he believed every gentleman had a right to deliver his sentiments freely, without being subject to the lash of that gentleman, or any other. How could it be fairly argued, because gentlemen desired to limit the duration of this law, that they were unwilling to defend their country? No such conclusion could be drawn. He believed the people of this country would always be found ready to defend themselves, as far as their own interests and the interests of the country required; but not to defend other nations. The gentleman from South Carolina never spoke on the subject of defence, but he went into Europe, to tell the House what was going on there. He thought enough had been said on this subject.
The gentleman had talked much of national honor and national dignity; but he wished him to recollect that national honor and national dignity were national interest. But the dignity and honor, which were too often spoken of, were mere phantoms; and what is looked upon as disgraceful in one country, may be looked upon as honorable in another. But the dignity and honor which he spoke of were the same in all countries; they were the interest of the people. He believed that some gentlemen would even account it honorable to go into Europe, and endeavor to raise up all the crowned heads which had fallen in the course of the present war. He liked no such honor.
The gentleman from South Carolina has not only to-day, but often, reprobated the idea of introducing calculation into our debates when measures of defence have been under consideration; whereas it appeared to himself the true ground upon which they ought to act. He believed, if nations in general were to sit down and count the cost before they went to war, one-half the blood and treasure which are now caused to flow, would in such case be spared. Wherever a nation was about to enter into a war to support its rights without its jurisdiction, it was perfectly right to sit down and calculate the expense of doing it; he agreed, when a country was attacked upon its own territory, that was not the time to talk about expense. It appeared to him, in such a situation, our defence would not so much consist of money as of individual exertion. In his opinion, free men fought for liberty, and slaves for money.