Mr. Brent said he voted against the amendment offered by the gentleman from North Carolina, because he apprehended its effects would be to involve us in war with two countries instead of one. The amendment of the gentleman from North Carolina was to strike out the word such in the bill, in which instance the commanders of our armed vessels would have been directed by the President to seize and take the vessels of any nations that shall have committed, or are found hovering on our coast for the purpose of committing, depredations on the commerce of the United States. As the bill now stands, it will only apply to French depredations; if amended as proposed, it would have applied to Great Britain, or any other country whose subjects or citizens are unlawfully spoliating our commerce—as he believed that the laws of nations and the stipulations of treaties had been violated in relation to us, not only by the French, but the British also, he considered the tendency of this amendment might be to involve us in war with Great Britain, and he did not wish to increase the number of foes with whom we were to engage in hostility. That he was accurate in his opinion that the armed vessels of Great Britain were at this time in the practice of violating our neutral rights, seemed to be acknowledged by others, and particularly by the member from Massachusetts, (Mr. Otis,) who had opposed the amendment, with a suggestion that in the event of an open rupture with France, it might be expedient for us to call in the aid of England, and, supposing the amendment might have a tendency to create irritation between that country and this, it was improper that at this crisis it should be adopted. This reasoning of the gentleman from Massachusetts could only be derived from an admission that Great Britain did not at this time respect our neutral rights; for, as the amendment only authorized the seizure of vessels spoliating our lawful commerce, there could be no danger that such a regulation would involve us in war, or produce a coolness with Great Britain, without a previous acknowledgment that her armed vessels were illegally depredating our commerce, and consequently would be affected by the general provision of the amendment, which, instead of confining our reprisals to French, extended it to vessels of all nations thus acting illegally in relation to ours.
Though, Mr. Brent said, he was not, under any circumstances, like the gentleman from Massachusetts, for embarking our destiny with that of Great Britain in her present contest with France; though he should consider such an event as one of the most deplorable which could befall the United States, yet he was willing and even studious to preserve peace with Great Britain, notwithstanding the many injuries we had received from that quarter; on the same principle, from the same desire to preserve the tranquillity of His country, he was opposed to the bill itself. He considered this bill as perhaps determining the question, whether or not there should remain a possibility of reconciling our differences with the French Republic. He considered this bill as probably dispelling every ray of hope which yet remained of a reconciliation taking place, and he hoped gentlemen would pause a moment before they adopted a measure so serious and awful. He did not see that we were at present exposed to any greater danger, or our commerce to any great extent to ravages more considerable than we had experienced for some time past.
He acknowledged that our commerce had received great and repeated injuries from France; that it had long felt their injuries and still continued to suffer; yet, under all these circumstances, a disposition has been constantly evinced, and he believed was still sincerely cherished by the great mass of our people, that recourse should not be had to the last fatal resort, till every mode of amicable negotiation had been attempted, and every rational hope of a peaceable adjustment of our complaints was exhausted. From these impressions, and at a period when our commerce was suffering their unjust depredations, we had sent Commissioners to the French nation; and was it proper, until we were certainly advised that our Commissioners had left France, or that every hope of their effecting the object of their mission was to be abandoned, to precipitate a measure, the probable effect of which would be to destroy all prospect of reconciliation, even if, at the present moment, our Commissioners should be engaged in a treaty? Mr. B. said, that neither the despatches which we had received from our Commissioners, nor any other intelligence from abroad, that he was acquainted with, compelled a belief that every possibility of negotiation was past; on the contrary, it was perhaps strictly within the bounds of probability, that, when the Government of France discovered an inflexible disposition on our part not to accede to terms dishonorable or disadvantageous, others of a less exceptionable nature would be, and perhaps before this have been, proposed. But, in every event, what is now a matter of conjecture, a few weeks will reduce to certainty; a few weeks must bring us certain and decisive accounts from Europe, and he was for postponing all deliberation respecting the very delicate subject under consideration till this intelligence arrived. At present, he believed it would be premature and inexpedient to adopt the proposed measures, and should therefore refuse to give them his assent.
The question on the bill going to a third reading, was taken by yeas and nays, and stood—51 to 39.
The bill having been determined to be read a third time, the usual question was put by the Speaker, "For what day shall it be made the order?" Monday and to-day were answered.
Mr. Gallatin hoped Monday would be the day. He did not see the necessity for passing the bill to-day. But it was said, the House ought not to exercise their discretion upon this subject, because French privateers are within our Capes. To this, he replied, that if there was any invasion of our jurisdiction, and depredations committed within it, the President of the United States had power to repel them without this law. He knew he had it, because the power is expressly given to him in the law respecting the revenue cutters; and he knew the power had been used by him when a vessel, taken by a privateer within our jurisdiction, had been restored to the owner by the President. He agreed with the gentleman from Delaware, that the President had not power to employ an armed force to make reprisals of vessels within our jurisdiction which may have taken vessels belonging to the United States.
Besides, he understood that the Senate were not in session to-day, and therefore the bill, if passed to-day, could not go any sooner to the Senate than if it passed on Monday. If, therefore, it could not hasten the final passage of the bill by going to the Senate to-day, he wished to know what other reason could be given for so hasty a proceeding? He saw none. He saw one reason for not passing it. Every hour might be expected to bring despatches from our Ministers. It was known that a vessel had arrived from France which is said to have brought accounts up to the 8th of April. Perhaps she may bring information that would produce unanimity of opinion as to the propriety of passing this bill.
Mr. J. Parker said, as it could make no difference whether this bill passed to-day or on Monday, he should be in favor of Monday, as it is possible the vessel which had been mentioned might bring some advices from our Envoys, though he expected nothing more favorable from that quarter than had been already received. As it was said a French privateer was within our boundary, it was probable she might commit some depredation which might be heard of before Monday, which would convince every one of the necessity of passing this bill.
Mr. Otis saw no reason for delaying the passage of this bill till Monday, arising from the possibility of the vessel, which was said to have arrived from France, having brought any news; because, if information should be received from our Commissioners which would give a different aspect to our affairs, the President of the United States could refrain from giving these instructions. If this bill was passed to-day, it might be reported to the Senate on Monday morning; but if it was postponed till Monday, gentlemen might come with fresh motions and speeches, and produce a further delay.