Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)

by United States. Congress

Mr. Platt conceived that every thing which was brought before that House ought to be committed, unless there was manifest indecency in the language, or it should appear that the relief prayed for could not be granted consistently with the power of the House. In his opinion, except one of these two causes prevented, it unquestionably ought to be thus disposed of. As for indecency of expression, he could perceive none, either in the petition, or in the arguments of the gentlemen who advocated its reference. A third reason indeed might be mentioned, which was, that the persons whose names were signed did not give consent to the petition and therefore it was not their act. Neither of these reasons was proved to have existed.

Although, agreeably to the constitution, Congress could not make any laws to prevent the emigration or importation of any persons whom the several States should, at the adoption thereof think proper to admit, yet Congress could, and had made laws relative to fugitives from justice and previous to the year 1800. It was this law they prayed the amelioration of, and that the power of persons over their slaves might be limited, and that the law might be so amended as to prevent its violation. It was for that, and not for the general abolition of slavery they prayed, and surely they ought to be heard; their prayer ought to be committed for that purpose.

He disclaimed the least desire, but an abhorrence, of any principle that would rob persons of their property, but at the same time he was not such a dupe to words as to be of the opinion held up by a gentleman, that because the French had used the words "reason" and "philosophy" he should discard them, and with them humanity.

Mr. Thatcher thought that to make use of the incapacity of these people to read or write, as an argument against committing their petition, must arise out of prejudice in his colleague against the general object, or he surely never would have resorted to such pitiful, and he might say, mean, virulent remarks. [Mr. T. was here called to order.] This was certainly a "new-fangled doctrine." But the reason why they could not write was because of the degraded state of their minds for want of education; many of them, perhaps, in their youth were in slavery.

The gentleman from Georgia had objected to the reference because the petition contained a system of facts which he said was not true? He (Mr. T.) believed they were true, and thus the dispute was in issue. How was this to be ascertained but by inquiry? If the State of Georgia should prove themselves innocent of that black stain, it would be to their honor. But no, said the gentlemen, "We will not have it examined into, because it will make us out to be as black as the petitioners themselves?"

Mr. Edmond observed that the gentleman from South Carolina had called for the yeas and nays for a particular purpose, to wit, that it should be seen how few voted for this intermeddling with the property of the people in the Southern States. Mr. E. said he should vote for the reference, and as that opinion would be attached to his conduct, his reasons ought to accompany his vote. He should be as far from wishing to affect the property of the citizens as any gentleman, much less should he wish to affect the constitution. This appeared to him to be a very respectful petition; it mattered not whether the people were black or white; the petition only was to be regarded, and not the color of the persons, who, representing their grievances, asked for such a relief as the constitution could afford them. Surely then, every measure ought to be adopted to alleviate their sufferings. Was it consistent that the House, instead of a reasonable and patient attention, should come forward and treat this complaint with an inattention which passion only could dictate? Was contempt the way to recommend attachment to the Government? This ferment and scorn could not be necessary, but he was sure it was highly improper and inconsistent.

Mr. Gallatin said that in his opinion there were many parts of the petition exceptionable, but not being so much acquainted with it as might be necessary to form a decision, he could not say whether or not it was in the power of the House to legislate on it. However, seeing this much in the situation with other petitions, he felt disposed, and should vote for its reference. If it should appear improper for Congress to legislate on it, then the committee would so report. He said he was not satisfied that there was no grievance to which the House could apply a remedy; he thought there was such a part. He remembered a petition from Delaware once on one of the complaints, that of kidnapping free negroes; therefore, he conceived it was truth, and could be no insult to the States of Delaware and Maryland to mention it. If so, surely an effectual remedy ought to be applied. In the former State he believed they had made the punishment death, and yet the evil was not prevented, if the complaints of the petitioners were true.

Mr. Waln then withdrew his former motion, and moved "that so much of the petition as related to the slave trade carried on from any part of the United States to any foreign place or country; and so much of the said petition as respected fugitives from justice, or escaped from their masters, be referred to the committee appointed on the 12th day of December last on the subject of the slave trade."

Mr. Rutledge appealed to the Chair to know whether the motion was in order.

Mr. Speaker said, perhaps, that was the only deliberative body in the world where a motion, having been made, seconded, and debated, could be withdrawn by either the mover or seconder. But it had been a practice in that House so to do, and there was no rule against it. The motion was therefore perfectly agreeable to order.