The House resolved itself into a committee on the bill from the Senate, in addition to the act, entitled "An act prohibiting the carrying on the slave trade from the United States to any foreign place or country."
Mr. J. Brown said, when the motion was first laid on the table, he thought it improper to prevent the citizens of the United States enjoying the benefits of a trade enjoyed by all the European nations. He really was in hopes that the good sense of the select committee would have permitted them to have seen the policy of realizing the act in question. Many members of the House, he observed, knew how the former act was passed; they knew that Congress was drilled into it by certain persons who would not take no for an answer. It was well known that the Abolition Society, otherwise the Society of Friends, as they were called, were very troublesome until they got that act passed. It was also well known that those people did not do much to support the Government, but that they did as much as they could to stop the measures of the Government, and particularly our defensive system, on which our national security depended.
Mr. Nicholas asked whether it was in order to abuse any class of citizens in this manner, and particularly since no motion was before the committee?
The Chairman said he conceived the gentleman to be in order, since he supposed he was about to make a motion affecting the principle of the bill.
Mr. Brown resumed. He was only speaking, agreeably to his information, how this bill came originally into existence. He was certain that this nation having an act against the slave trade, did not prevent the exportation of a slave from Africa. He believed we might as well, therefore, enjoy that trade, as to leave it wholly to others. It was the law of that country to export those whom they held in slavery—who were as much slaves there as those who were slaves in this country—and with as much right. The very idea of making a law against this trade, which all other nations enjoyed, and which was allowed to be very profitable, was ill policy. He would further say that it was wrong, when considered in a moral point of view, since, by the operation of the trade, the very people themselves much bettered their condition. It ought to be a matter of national policy, since it would bring in a good revenue to our Treasury. It was not pleasing to him, Mr. B. said, to pay an interest of 8 per cent. for our loan: rather than borrow money, he would wish to be paying off some of our old standing debt, which could be done by increasing our commerce, or rendering it free. He wished it to be free as the wind that blew—from one end of the world to the other. As he observed before, he believed not one more slave would be exported from Africa, while our merchants and our revenue would enjoy the benefit.
Mr. B. said, our distilleries and manufactories were all lying idle for want of an extended commerce. He had been well informed that on those coasts New England rum was much preferred to the best Jamaica spirits, and would fetch a better price. Why should it not be sent there, and a profitable return be made? Why should a heavy fine and imprisonment be made the penalty for carrying on a trade so advantageous?
But, he observed, if it was thought advisable that the old act should continue, he would wish it could be made to meet the purpose altogether, and prevent the system of slavery entirely, so that equal advantages might be given to all the inhabitants of the Union; without this, it would, as it ever had been, remain a great disadvantage. He therefore moved that the committee rise, in order to postpone the bill. He believed the House would be better prepared to meet it in a few days.
Mr. Nicholas seconded the motion, not but that he was prepared to decide on it, but that there might be opportunity given to express an opinion. He really could not understand the gentleman, when he said that our people being employed in that trade would not add nor diminish the number exported. This was certainly a wrong calculation. These people were enslaved for their masters, or to supply some foreign market. Certainly if the number of purchasers were increased, the number of slaves would be increased. Surely the gentleman would not wish them brought into the United States when he talked of their condition being improved; this was a fact, to be sure, but would it be policy so to do?
But another and an important point was touched upon—that he would wish the law to be made to meet another object, if it was determined to prohibit the trade in this country. As a Southern man, Mr. N. said, he would observe that he was placed in a most unfortunate situation, indeed, in being obliged, in common with other people of those States, to keep men in a state of slavery: but he had the consolation to inform the House, that he believed the people of the Southern States were wiping off the stain entailed upon them by their predecessors, in endeavoring to ameliorate the situation of that race of people as much as possible. This appeared to be an increasing disposition. He hoped the gentleman would have an opportunity to produce all his arguments on this subject, in his endeavors either to get the law repealed or to strengthen it, agreeably to his wish, in order that he might be satisfied that he would not find an advocate in the House.