For what purpose was this great mass to be raised? He saw no good purpose likely to be answered by it under the sun. Can stones show gratitude? If the nation wished to show its gratitude, let them do it by making a history of the life of Washington a school-book. Our children then will learn and imitate his virtues. This will be rendering the highest tribute to his fame, by making it the instrument of enlightening the mind and improving the heart.
While there are such rational modes of distinguishing the memory of Washington, can Congress so far forget the interest of the nation; can they so far forget their own duty, as to expend millions in acts of useless and pernicious ostentation? Since the invention of types, monuments are good for nothing. The records of history will remain long after their decay or destruction.
We are told that the best mode of perpetuating the memory of Washington is to erect a mausoleum. I have heard, said Mr. M., of Aristides, I have heard of Hampden, but I have never heard of monuments raised to their memories. Yet their virtues shine as bright now as they did while they lived. I have heard of a place called Westminster Abbey, full of the monuments of kings; yet, notwithstanding these grand memorials, I have heard very little of them after they left this world, and I question very much whether any man, let him have heard what he may, if he were to go there could tell one of them from the other.
But, it is said that the monument, proposed by the amendment, may be thrown down and destroyed by mobs or schoolboys. God forbid that this should ever be the case! I do not believe, said Mr. M., this to be possible. If it were made of glass, frail as it is, it would be safe; all would revere, all would respect it.
The House is told by one gentleman, who advocates the mausoleum, that a rich man in Europe cannot lose his mistress without raising a monument to her memory. Was the gentleman serious when he made this remark? Would he place the memory of Washington on a footing with that of a rich man's mistress? Better, sir, said Mr. M., far better would it be, more honorable to the Government, and more conformable to the wish of our deceased friend, to devote the seventy thousand dollars, designed for a mausoleum, to the education of the poor. Then, indeed, we might flatter ourselves with having extended the empire of his virtues, by making those understand and imitate them, who, uninstructed, could not comprehend them.
If he thought that by raising a magnificent monument to Washington, he could give duration to his fame, or carry his name into a single country which it had not yet reached, he would give the measure his support. But no such effect would be produced. It might indeed adorn this city; and that was the only plausible argument in favor of it.
Before gentlemen act in this business, let them look to Egypt; there they will behold precedents in profusion; men made gods, and statues and monuments and mausolea covering the whole face of the country; but where will they find the virtues or the talents of the men they were meant to commemorate? Now is the time to make a stand against this monument mania. Washington is admired and beloved by all. No one can be charged with a desire to diminish his fame by opposing a useless expenditure of money. The precedent we now establish will be auspicious to our future measures. If we decline raising a mausoleum to Washington, no man who succeeds him can expect one reared to his memory. On the other hand, if we now raise one to Washington, every pretender to greatness will aim at the same distinction.
Mr. Macon concluded by declaring himself hostile to the bill, and friendly to the amendment, because it proposed a plan that was more rational, more economical, and more conformable to the resolve of the old Congress, than that contained in the bill.
The committee then rose without coming to any decision, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.