The second part of the resolution, relative to slaves, was about to be put, when
Mr. Gallatin said, before the question was taken on this division, he would just mention why this species of personal property was brought under view, whilst all other personal property was unnoticed.
It was very true, that stock upon a farm in the Northern and Eastern States paid nearly as great a proportion of the taxes of those States as the negroes did those of the Southern States, and therefore it might seem somewhat wrong to introduce negroes in the one case and not cattle in the other. The reason which induced the Committee of Ways and Means to adopt this mode was, that negroes are confined to certain spots of land in the Southern States, while horses and cattle extend nearly over a whole country. And a land tax, unaccompanied with a tax on slaves, would be very unpopular in those States, as it would throw too great a burden upon farmers who did not hold slaves, and fall too lightly upon those whose property chiefly consisted of slaves. There was this difference betwixt the two species of property: A farmer in the Northern or Eastern States would not think himself aggrieved by not paying a tax upon his farming stock; but a farmer in the Southern States would think himself aggrieved if his land was taxed, whilst the slaves of the slaveholder were not taxed. It was on this account that this species of property was introduced.
Mr. Murray was not struck with the observations of the gentleman last up, so as to say he would ultimately vote for this species of tax; at present, he should vote for a bill to be brought in; but unless he found the bill could reconcile the principle more, and do greater justice in the case than he at present conceived, he should then oppose it.
He said, he considered slaves in the Southern States as laborers, and unless gentlemen could show him where laborers were taxed, he should not think it right to vote for that part of the bill. He was decidedly in favor of a land tax, but against the other part of the question. Mr. M. said, he merely mentioned this that he might not hereafter be charged with inconsistency, in case he should vote against the bill. He repeated, unless provision be made for taxing labor in other parts of the United States, he must vote against this part of the bill if brought in, because the tax would operate very unequally.
Mr. Harper said, though he was entirely opposed to the tax proposed by the resolution, and should vote against the whole, yet he thought it right that a tax on slaves should be introduced with a tax on land; for, as this direct tax was to be raised by apportionment through the States, whether the Southern States paid on slaves, or the Northern States on land, made no difference in effect; each paid in its own way; one mode was more convenient for the Northern, another for the Southern, and another for the Eastern—no injury was done by this to any other State.
Mr. G. Jackson said, he was against all species of direct taxation, but particularly on this species; and, if a tax on land was carried, he should bring forward a resolution to lay a tax upon all property vested in public securities. He wished for the yeas and nays on this question.
The yeas and nays were agreed to be taken.
Mr. Nicholas wondered to hear the observation of his colleague. He should vote for the question, though he and his constituents would be affected by it; but, in the district which that gentleman represented, there were no slaves; and it was therefore his constituents' interest to have a tax on slaves, in order to lighten that on land.