Mr. Rutledge.—The first section was very disagreeable to him, as it went to the establishment of a perfect sinecure. He was willing to do homage to the merit of the officer who was to benefit; but he rather thought it would be more consonant with justice, if money must be needlessly sported with, to suffer such money to be given to those who have been long in service—some fifteen or twenty years—and who are now by this bill suddenly forced to quit their present, to seek some new way of obtaining a livelihood, in circumstances, many of them perhaps, not enviable.
Mr. R. was not pleased with the so great reduction of the artillery; he thought the retention of the artillery of more importance than that of the infantry. He had hoped the artillery would have been retained to keep in order the forts already built in different parts of the United States; the small number remaining was quite incompetent to preserving them in order, or preserving them from decay. The Secretary of War mentions one fort in South Carolina. There are, sir, four forts in the harbor of Charleston alone, some of which must go to decay. He should vote for the bill because it went to make great reductions of expense, which reductions circumstances now allow us to afford; but the sinecure was obnoxious to him, and he was not pleased with the reduction of the artillery.
On the question that the bill do pass, it was resolved in the affirmative—yeas 77, nays 12.
Mediterranean Trade.
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the bill for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States in the Mediterranean and adjoining seas.
Mr. Bayard offered an amendment, the purport of which, was to give to the President the power of granting letters of marque and reprisal, to affect Algiers and Tunis as well as Tripoli. Mr. B. thought that it would be unsafe to neglect a cautionary step like this, because there was great danger, from the similarity of religion and manners, of a union taking place between Tunis, Algiers, and Tripoli; they may be brought into the war with Tripoli against us. It would be a matter of prudence to be prepared.
Mr. Dana thought it very probable that further information would be received from the Barbary powers, when we shall be the better enabled to judge what will be expedient. He did not like the appearance of the amendment; it seemed to invite war.
Mr. Bayard considered there was a great difference between the Barbary powers and civilized nations; it was on account of the perfidiousness of those powers, that he wished it left to the direction of the President to exercise the power vested in him when he should think proper; there was no trusting to them. He wished the President to do this by the authority of law; this would prevent those doubts that have been expressed by some, of the constitutionality of his measures the last spring and summer; though for his part he was disposed to approbate the proceedings of the Executive on that occasion. As to its having the appearance of threatening, he did not think so; nor did he believe it would have any effect on those powers; he hardly believed that the Dey of Algiers ever read the acts of Congress.
Mr. Dana was opposed to considering the subject at present; he was for postponing till further information should be received.
Mr. Giles was against the amendment; he thought it had the appearance of inviting them to an attack, of challenging them to combat, of irritating and provoking them: he believed there would be ample time to act on this matter hereafter, when they would have a better knowledge of circumstances, and of what to expect.