[61] The administration of Mr. Adams fell upon difficult times, and involved the necessity of measures always unpopular in themselves, and never more so than at that time. The actual aggressions of France upon our commerce, her threats of war, and insults to our ministers, required preparations to be made for war; and these could not be made without money, nor money be had without loans and taxes. Fifteen millions was the required expenditure of the last year of his administration; a large sum in that time, but almost the whole of which went to three objects; the army, the navy, and the public debt. The support of the Government remained at the moderate sum which it had previously presented; to wit, $560,000. The duties still remained moderate—the ad valorems, 10, 12-1/2, 15 and 20 per centum; and the latter more nominal than real, as it only fell upon a few articles of luxury, of which the importation was only to the value of $430,000. The main levy fell upon the 10 and 12-1/2 per centum classes, of which to the value of 26-1/2 millions were imported; of the 15 per centum class only 7-1/2 millions were imported; and the average of the whole was 13 per centum and a fraction. The specifics were increased, but not considerably; and the cost of collecting the whole was 4-1/2 per centum. Direct taxes and loans made up the remainder. The whole amount collected from duties was about 10 millions: to be precise, $10,126,213; that is to say, nearly twenty times as much as the support of the Government (comprehending every civil object) required. The administration of Mr. Adams, though condemned for extravagance, was strictly economical in the support of the Government, and in the collection of the revenue: the army and the navy, those cormorant objects of expenditure, brought the demands for money which injured the administration.
[62] This is the first instance of a Message being sent to the two Houses at the commencement of a session. Though veiled and commended by temporary reasons, founded in the convenience of the members and placed in the fore part of the letter, yet the concluding reasons (which are of a general and permanent nature) disclose the true reasons for the change—which was, to make it permanent: and permanent it has been. It was one of Mr. Jefferson's reforms—the former way of assembling the two Houses to hear an address in person from the President, returning an answer to it, the two Houses going in form to present their answer, and the intervention of repeated committees to arrange the details of these ceremonious meetings, being considered too close an imitation of the royal mode of opening a British Parliament. Some of the democratic friends of Mr. Jefferson doubted whether this change was a reform, in that part of it which dispensed with the answers to the President. Their view of it was, that the answer to the Speech, or Message, afforded a regular occasion for speaking to the state of the Union, and to all the topics presented; which speaking, losing its regular vent, would afterwards break out irregularly on the discussion of particular measures, and to the interruption of the business on hand. Experience has developed that irregularity, and another—that of speaking to the Message on the motions to refer particular clauses of it to appropriate committees, thereby delaying the reference; and, in one instance during Mr. Fillmore's administration, preventing the reference during the entire session.
[63] [From the National Intelligencer of Jan. 8, 1802.]
On Monday last the editor addressed a letter to the President of the Senate, requesting permission to occupy a position in the lower area of the Senate Chamber, for the purpose of taking with correctness the debates and proceedings of that body.
It may be necessary to remark that heretofore no stenographer has been admitted in this area; and the upper gallery, being open to the admission of every one, and very remote from the floor of the House, has prevented any attempt being made to take the debates, from the impossibility of hearing distinctly from it.
The contents of the letter were submitted by the President to the Senate; and a resolution agreed to, to the following effect: Resolved, That any stenographer, desirous to take the debates of the Senate on Legislative business, may be admitted for that purpose, at such place, within the area of the Senate Chamber, as the President shall allot.
On Wednesday the editor had, accordingly, assigned to him a convenient place in the lower area, from which he took notes of the proceedings of the Senate On the adoption of the above resolution, which opens a new door to public information, and which may be considered as the prelude to a more genuine sympathy between the Senate and the people of the United States, than may have heretofore subsisted, by rendering each better acquainted with the other, we congratulate, without qualification, every friend to the true principles of our republican institutions.
[64] This motion gave rise to one of the most extended and earnest debates which had occurred in Congress, involving the interests and passions of party, as well as questions of high constitutional law and of great public expediency; and was brought on in the approved parliamentary form of a resolution to try the principle, unembarrassed with the details of a new bill. The law proposed to be repealed, besides adding sixteen new circuit judges at once to the federal bench, (making 38 in all,) was passed in the last days of an expiring administration, and the appointments made in these last moments, and well confined to one political party: so that many reasons conspired to make it objectionable on one hand and desirable on the other, and to call forth the strongest exertions both for, and against, the repeal.
[65] It was a party vote, and a close one, some changes of members having changed the majority since the last session—then a bare majority on the Federal side.
[66] A debate of great length and earnestness now took place in the House on this repealing bill sent down from the Senate, and passed there by a majority of only one. The two parties seemed to have staked themselves upon it, not before the House, (where the issue was certain,) but before the country, to the arbitrament of which the great appeal was made. Above thirty members delivered elaborate speeches, of which but small parts can be given in an abridgment—the less to be regretted, as the staple of each was, of necessity, much the same—but varied, enlivened and enforced by the peculiar talent, learning and ability of different speakers. Their names were—for the repeal: John Bacon, of Massachusetts; John Clopton, of Virginia; Thomas T. Davis, of Kentucky; John Dawson, of Virginia; William B. Giles, of Virginia; Andrew Gregg, of Pennsylvania; Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina; John Milledge, of Georgia; Thomas Morris, of New York; Joseph H. Nicholson, of Maryland; John Randolph, of Virginia; General Samuel Smith, of Maryland; Philip R. Thompson, of Virginia; James Holland and Robert Williams, of North Carolina.—Against the repeal: James A. Bayard, of Delaware; Manasseh Cutter, of Massachusetts; Samuel W. Dana, of Connecticut; John Dennis, of Maryland; Thomas Plater, of Maryland; William Eustis, of Massachusetts; Calvin Goddard, of Connecticut; Roger Griswold, of Connecticut; Seth Hastings, of Massachusetts; Joseph Hemphill, of Pennsylvania; Archibald Henderson, of North Carolina; William H. Hill, of North Carolina; Benjamin Huger, of South Carolina; Thomas Lowndes, of South Carolina; John Rutledge, of South Carolina; John Stanley, of North Carolina; Benjamin Tallmadge, of New York.