Mr. Jackson.—I have but a single observation to make in addition to those which have fallen from the gentleman from Pennsylvania. So far as relates to myself, it is not my object to discuss in Committee of the Whole, the abstract questions of the law of nations, but to adopt measures for the effectual resistance and punishment of the infraction of those laws, as far as we can. If, according to the course pointed out by my colleague, any resolution should be submitted on this subject in Committee of the Whole, it will be objected that the subject is before a standing committee, and it will be said to be disrespectful to act on it until they shall have reported. If my colleague, therefore, be of opinion, that we should adopt any efficient and prompt measures, the better and speedier way will be for him to join in the motion. I hope the motion will prevail. In the name of heaven, if we are not disposed to do any thing, let us tell the people so.

Mr. Crownishield.—From the beginning I was opposed to referring this subject to the Committee of Ways and Means. I saw no reason for its going to a standing committee. Without meaning to cast any censure on the Committee of Ways and Means, I am in favor of the motion. We have been in session seven or eight weeks—the reference was made as early as the 6th of December, and we have yet no report. The question is perhaps as interesting a one as has been presented since the establishment of a National Government. What is our situation? Our ships are plundered in every sea, our seamen are impressed, three thousand of them are in the service of one nation. We are a neutral nation, and it is not proper that any belligerent nation should employ them in this manner. Like the gentleman from Virginia, I am ready to act, I want no report to guide my decision. I am prepared—not for war measures, but for a non-intercourse act with Great Britain. I am willing to suspend all intercourse with Great Britain until she shall give back the ships she has stolen from us, and the seamen she forcibly detains. I shall not be more ready to take this step after a report from the Committee of Ways and Means than I am now. The simple question is, whether we shall abandon trade altogether, or resist the unjust aggressions made upon it? But it was not my object in rising, to go any length into the subject; I only rose to express my opinion in favor of the course pointed out by the motion. The Committee of Ways and Means is deranged, disorganized; two members are absent, and the Chairman unfortunately is sick. We have no expectation of a report; it may not come till the end of the session.

Mr. Gregg.—I rise to express a similar opinion with the gentleman who has just sat down.

I am in favor of the motion for the reasons which he has assigned and for another reason; for the sake of consistency. Though the subject be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means, it is likewise referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. The memorials from the merchants of New York and Philadelphia have taken this latter course. This brings the subject before a Committee of the Whole. We are under the same obligation to take up the business of our constituents as the Message; and as the business is of the greatest importance, I hope the whole subject will be referred to a Committee of the Whole.

Mr. Bidwell.—The gentleman from Pennsylvania has anticipated me in an idea which I meant to have expressed. As the principal document on this subject is the Message of the President, I think it proper that that should be placed with the same committee charged with the memorials of merchants from different towns. Another reason may be mentioned in favor of this course of procedure. At the commencement of the session there was a strong reason for referring the subject to a special committee. It was a principal object at that time to inquire into the extent and degree of the injuries received from belligerent nations; as since that time we have received full information on those points from the Executive Department, that reason is done away, and there is no necessity for any investigation by a select committee.

The motion to discharge the Committee of Ways and Means was then agreed to—yeas 68.

Non-Intercourse.

Mr. Gregg said, that he considered the insults offered to our Government, and the injuries done to our citizens by some of the belligerent nations, to be of such a nature, as to demand the interposition of Government to obtain redress. It appeared from the memorials and remonstrances of the merchants of New York, Philadelphia, and other of our seaport towns, now on our table, as well as from Executive communications, that vessels the bona fide property of citizens of the United States, have been seized by their cruisers, and they and their cargoes condemned, contrary to our rights as a neutral nation, and to what has long been considered as the law of nations on this subject. Great numbers of our fellow-citizens have been impressed, and notwithstanding our repeated remonstrances, they are cruelly retained in bondage, and compelled to act in a service, perhaps very abhorrent to their feelings, far from their country and their friends. To these insults and injuries, said Mr. G., we can no longer submit, unless we are willing to surrender that independence which has been, and I trust always will be, our pride and our boast. So great are these injuries and aggressions, and so unremittingly are they persevered in, that I do not know but that they might be considered as a sufficient cause on which to ground a declaration of war. That, however, is not my object. I deprecate war, and will not agree to resort to it, until other means, which we have in our power, are tried in vain. We do, I think, possess means, which, if properly used, cannot fail of accomplishing the object. To these I hope we will now resort, and for the purpose of bringing them into view, I will submit a resolution to the consideration of the House, reserving any further observations on the subject, until the resolution shall be taken up in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, to which I intend moving its reference.

Mr. Gregg then offered the following resolution:

Whereas Great Britain impresses citizens of the United States, and compels them to serve on board her ships of war, and also seizes and condemns vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, and their cargoes, being the bona fide property of American citizens, not contraband of war, and not proceeding to places besieged or blockaded, under the pretext of their being engaged in time of war in a trade with her enemies which was not allowed in time of peace: