Another member, to wit, William Blackledge, from North Carolina, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the House.
Bridge across the Potomac.
The House then again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the resolution in favor of authorizing the erection of a bridge across the Potomac.
Mr. Lewis.—Mr. Chairman: There is but one point to which, in my opinion, the attention of this committee ought to be directed: Will the erection of the contemplated bridge injure the navigation of the river Potomac? This is the only question applicable to the subject, and the only pivot upon which it ought to turn. Let us, Mr. Chairman, examine the objections and reasoning of the anti-memorialists upon this point. They say in their memorial that “they consider their natural and political rights will be infringed by the adoption of this measure, as the navigation of the river will be injured and obstructed thereby; that from the meeting of the stream and tide-water, at the place where the bridge is contemplated, a tendency will be produced in the impeded stream-water to deposit the earthy particles with which it is charged in time of freshes, and by which they apprehend the present, entire, main and deep channel may be divided into many small and narrow passages, to the great injury of the navigation.” This, sir, is the bare assertion of the counter-memorialists; they have not deigned to state one single fact, or adduce the smallest proof in support of a result which they have taken for granted will be inevitable. Although the proof rests upon the opponents to this measure, and not upon its friends, yet I am willing and prepared to prove, by the best evidence the nature of the case will admit, that the navigation of the Potomac, instead of being injured, will be greatly benefited by the erection of this bridge. Sir, the evidence I shall offer is drawn from experience. It is known that in Europe, as well as in this country, piers have been sunk for the express purpose of deepening the channel, and improving the navigation of rivers, and if this experiment has succeeded in all other countries and rivers, surely it will not fail in the Potomac. It is not to be believed that the Potomac is unlike every other river in the world. But, sir, if we had not the aid of experience before us, common sense and common reason would revolt at the idea of injuring the navigation in the manner stated by the counter-memorialists. If you oblige vessels of all descriptions to pass through your draw and of course pursue the same channel, will it not have a tendency to deepen and clean the channel, by agitating the sediment which may have settled there, and which will by that means be swept away by the current? and instead of a number of small channels, will it not have the opposite effect of improving and deepening the only main channel? Surely this must be the effect. But, Mr. Chairman, whilst I am unwilling to believe that the erection of this bridge can in any manner whatever injure the navigation of the Potomac; yet I will candidly admit that the vessels passing to and from Georgetown will experience some little inconvenience at the draw; but that inconvenience will be so very trifling that it will be entirely lost in a comparison with the great general good which will result to the community. Having proved, as I trust, satisfactorily, that the navigation of the Potomac cannot possibly be injured by the adoption of this measure, let us now examine the inconvenience to which vessels passing the draw will be subjected, for this appears now to be the only remaining ground of investigation. We have been told by gentlemen on this floor well acquainted with the building of bridges and of their effects, that little or no detention is experienced in passing the draws. That it frequently happens that vessels pass through without lowering a sail or being detained a single instant when they have a fair wind, and that at no time is it necessary to detain them longer than from five to fifteen minutes. If this information is correct, (and we cannot possibly doubt it,) where, let me ask, is the very great injury to the very few vessels that will have to pass this draw? When I say very few, Mr. Chairman, I have reference to the statement made the other day by my honorable colleague, the chairman of the committee, whose report is now the subject of discussion. He then told us that his statement was taken from absolute entries made at the collector’s office at Georgetown for the last seven years, and in that time only twenty-one ships, six brigs, one hundred and thirty-two schooners, and fifty-two sloops had been entered there, making in the whole two hundred and eleven vessels of all descriptions. My colleague at that time omitted to mention, or was not apprised of the fact, that of the vessels entered at Georgetown, a very considerable proportion never went there, but were destined for, and actually loaded at the Eastern Branch. It is very well known that within the last seven years a number of large vessels were loaded at the Eastern Branch by Mr. Barry alone, who was at that time engaged in making large shipments of flour and biscuit to the West Indies; yet all these vessels, as well as a great number employed in removing from Philadelphia the furniture of Congress, of the President, and of the public officers, together with those employed in bringing stores, &c., for the navy yard on the Eastern Branch, were all entered at Georgetown, that being the only port of entry for Georgetown and the city of Washington, thereby giving to Georgetown an appearance of commerce which she is not really entitled to. I have ascertained that some years ago several foreign vessels resorted to the port of Georgetown to carry away the tobacco of that town and Bladensburg, and that the ships used to lie in the Eastern Branch to obtain their cargo from both places. That this trade has declined cannot be denied, for it is an incontrovertible fact that the only ship destined for Georgetown last year, called the William Murdock, Captain Tom, was loaded at Barry’s wharf, on the Eastern Branch, because there was not sufficient water over the bar below Georgetown to admit her passage to and from that place. Now, sir, from the whole number of vessels of all descriptions entered at Georgetown for the last seven years, we may fairly deduct one-fourth for those which never went there; there will then remain 158 as having actually passed up the river to that place during that time; which, divided by seven, will be something less than twenty-three vessels in each year, and not quite one for each fortnight. Thus, then, sir, this mighty obstacle—these great delays by a drawbridge—after investigation become very inconsiderable. Indeed, the first is proven to be nothing, and the last too trifling to deserve serious consideration. But, Mr. Chairman, in order to remove every objection, or even doubt, which can possibly exist with any part of the committee, I am willing to insert a clause in the bill obliging the Bridge Company to compensate for any loss by detention at the draw.
We have been told by the counter-memorialists, and it has been reiterated here, “that natural advantages ought not to be injured by artificial means.” Upon this subject, Mr. Chairman, the people of Georgetown ought to have been silent; they are not aware of a retort which this objection will force upon them. Will they recollect, sir, that to artificial means alone they are indebted for the greatest part of their commerce? Will they recollect that from artificial means alone the towns of Baltimore and Alexandria have been deprived of their natural advantages to the exclusive benefit of Georgetown? Do they not know that the improvement of the Potomac above them has diverted from its natural course a commerce which belonged to others and which now enriches them? And will they permit me to remind them that even to the erection of a bridge they owe no inconsiderable share of their commerce? Yes, sir, I will remind the people of Georgetown of advantages from artificial means which they ought not to have forgotten, because to them, in a great measure, they owe their present commercial standing. The bridge below the Little Falls, at the head of the navigation of the Potomac, has given to Georgetown a considerable quantity of produce from Virginia which must otherwise have gone to Alexandria. I am very far from objecting to the means by which the importance of Georgetown has been acquired. I was pleased with the erection of a bridge at the Little Falls, because it was a convenience generally, and particularly so to that part of the country from which I come, and from the same principle I should be glad to see a number of other bridges erected, both above and below the Falls. I have always thought, and still think, there ought to be a bridge at Georgetown, and if the people of that place are of the same opinion, and will propose it, I will promise to vote for it. Is it necessary already to remind the people of Georgetown that for their exclusive benefit one arm of the river Potomac has been entirely closed, by authorizing a dam from Mason’s Island to the Virginia shore, which gives to them, in some measure, a monopoly of the flour which comes down the Potomac? and are we now to be told by the same people that we possess no constitutional right to authorize a bridge across the Potomac for the public good, even with a free passage to vessels of all descriptions, and that even if we possess the right, it would be a wanton and cruel exercise of it? The erection of the dam will certainly prevent flour boats from going to Alexandria at particular seasons of the year, when high winds are frequent, as they will be obliged to go a considerable distance round Mason’s Island, exposed to a wide and unprotected sheet of water, which will subject them to considerable danger, even when the wind is moderate; but before the erection of this dam, the boats could go down to Alexandria at almost any season, and with almost any wind, as they could, and did, always keep close to the Virginia shore, and covered by its banks were perfectly secure. This measure, as well as the erection of the bridge at the Falls, was evidently injurious to the interests of Alexandria. Yet, sir, had we any complaints from that quarter? Were our rights questioned by them, and our motives censured? Were we told by them that “no place should calculate on artificial advantages, which cannot be afforded without depriving other places of their natural advantages?” No, sir, they were silent; not even a murmur escaped them; they had no wish to deprive their neighbors of any advantages they could derive from “artificial means,” although their interests should in some measure be affected by it; they felt none of those jealousies which appear now to influence their neighbors. It is well known that at the last session of Congress I was in favor of the causeway from Mason’s Island to the Virginia shore. I did not believe at that time it could do any injury to the public, and as the people of Georgetown supposed it would benefit them by reclaiming a channel considerably injured by natural causes, I could have no reasonable objection to the experiment, and of course gave to it my support.
Mr. Quincy supported; and Messrs. Dawson, G. W. Campbell, Magruder, Varnum, and Masters, opposed the resolution; when the question was taken, and the resolution carried—yeas 60, nays 51. The committee immediately rose and reported their agreement to the resolution. The House took the report into consideration. On concurring in the resolution the yeas and nays were called; and were—yeas 61, nays 49, as follows:
Yeas.—Joseph Barker, Burwell Bassett, George M. Bedinger, Silas Betton, William Butler, Levi Casey, Martin Chittenden, John Claiborne, Christopher Clark, Frederick Conrad, Orchard Cook, Leonard Covington, Jacob Crowninshield, Ezra Darby, Elias Earle, Ebenezer Elmer, William Ely, James Fisk, James M. Garnett, Peterson Goodwyn, Silas Halsey, Seth Hastings, Wm. Helmes, David Hough, Walter Jones, James Kelly, Thomas Kenan, John Lambert, Joseph Lewis, jun., Henry W. Livingston, Matthew Lyon, David Meriwether, Nicholas R. Moore, Thomas Moore, Jonathan O. Mosely, Thos. Newton, jr., John Pugh, Josiah Quincy, Thomas M. Randolph, Jacob Richards, John Russell, Peter Sailly, Martin G. Schuneman, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, Joseph Stanton, William Stedman, Lewis B. Sturges, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, David Thomas, Philip R. Thompson, Uri Tracy, Abram Trigg, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Peleg Wadsworth, Eliphalet Wickes, Nathan Williams, Alexander Wilson, Joseph Winston, and Thomas Wynns.
Nays.—Willis Alston, junior, Isaac Anderson, John Archer, David Bard, Barnabas Bidwell, John Blake, jr., Thomas Blount, Robert Brown, Joseph Bryan, George W. Campbell, John Campbell, John Chandler, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, jun., John Dawson, Peter Early, James Elliot, John Fowler, Charles Goldsborough, Edwin Gray, Andrew Gregg, Isaiah L. Green, John Hamilton, James Holland, David Holmes, Patrick Magruder, Robert Marion, Josiah Masters, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Jeremiah Nelson, Roger Nelson, Gideon Olin, Timothy Pitkin, jun., John Rea of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tennessee, Thomas Sanford, James Sloan, John Cotton Smith, John Smith, O’Brien Smith, Samuel Smith, Samuel Tenny, Joseph B. Varnum, Matthew Walton, John Whitehill, Robert Whitehill, David R. Williams, and Marmaduke Williams.
Ordered, That a bill, or bills, be brought in, pursuant to the foregoing resolution; and that Mr. Thompson of Virginia, Mr. Campbell of Maryland, Mr. Lewis, Mr. Magruder, and Mr. Butler, do prepare and bring in the same.